Get ready for a hands-on Hassan Sheikh Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud on Wednesday appointed Hamza Abdi Barre, a 48-year-old MP from Ju...
Between 9 and 10 June, the Research and Evidence Facility (REF) of the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, a consortium bringing together researchers and academics at the University of Manchester, the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), and Sahan, hosted a conference in Nairobi on migrants and refugee protection. The event occurred amid increasing displacement around the globe in general and much closer to home in Africa in particular. Drought and conflict have driven population movements – both voluntary and forced – across international borders, ranging from Somalia, where nearly quarter of a million people are currently facing starvation, to displacement caused by the ongoing conflicts in Ethiopia, to the eastern DRC, where a resurgent M-23 is creating regional tensions. Throughout all these conflict zones, the debate around effective international migration governance, including the protection of migrants and refugees, could not be timelier and more urgent.
A geopolitical glasnost in the offing? Somalia is on the cusp of a potentially major realignment in its foreign relations, one likely to relieve tens...
Fahad’s dance of the seven veils Somalia’s 10th president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), was inaugurated yesterday, but the celebrat...
Justice delayed is justice denied Today, 9 June, Somalia will celebrate the inauguration of its 10th president, His Excellency Hassan Sheikh Mo...
Somalia’s new president seeks peace at home and abroad On Thursday, Somalia’s president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (HSM), will be...
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s (HSM) new administration in Somalia is under coordinated attack from supporters of former president Farmaajo and his Nabad iyo Nolol (N&N) party. Reformist National Security Advisor Hussein Sheikh Ali has been targeted by a fabricated smear campaign linking him to alleged secret meetings with TPLF leaders in Djibouti a claim swiftly debunked by Hussein and international observers. Investigations reveal that these disinformation efforts are being propagated by anonymous accounts, many reportedly linked to Eritrean intelligence and N&N sympathizers. These attacks are part of a broader narrative pushed by Farmaajo loyalists, painting his defeat as a foreign-orchestrated conspiracy. The intention is to delegitimize the new administration, derail its early momentum, and stoke nationalist sentiment for political gain. The controversy also distracts from critical national priorities, such as reconciliation and economic recovery, especially in the midst of the worst drought in 40 years.
Somalia is grappling with a severe and under-addressed mental health crisis. Decades of conflict, poverty, drought, gender-based violence, and political instability have left deep psychological scars on the population. A 2010 WHO study identified Somalia as one of the countries with the highest prevalence of mental illness globally, and the situation has only worsened with COVID-19, famine threats, and insecurity. The country’s fragile healthcare system is ill-equipped to meet mental health needs. With most trained professionals having fled or died, unregulated "Ilaaj" centers run by traditional healers dominate, often providing abusive and non-clinical treatment. Stigma remains a major barrier, as many view mental illness as shameful or non-existent. This leads individuals to suffer in silence or resort to substance abuse.
For nearly five years, Somalia’s Gedo region has been mired in a political and security crisis, largely driven by former President Farmaajo’s power struggle with Jubaland state leader Ahmed Madoobe. The conflict turned Gedo into a militarized battleground and proxy war zone, drawing in federal forces and international actors like Kenya and Ethiopia. The deployment of non-statutory federal troops and interference in local governance heightened clan tensions, weakened regional cohesion, and created a power vacuum exploited by Al-Shabaab. Ordinary civilians, already facing climate shocks and poor infrastructure, were the hardest hit living in camps with minimal aid or protection.
In the weeks following his presidential victory, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has earned high public approval and praise from international partners, including U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken. He has wasted no time assembling his team, appointing former rivals Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame to special envoy roles focused on Somaliland talks and drought response, respectively. These strategic, non-controversial appointments reflect a calculated effort to unify political factions after a contentious election. HSM also named Hussein Sheikh Ali as National Security Advisor, a widely welcomed decision due to his security expertise. However, the appointment of Mahad Mohamed Salad as director of NISA sparked donor concern due to his lack of intelligence background—though he may serve as a political placeholder or be complemented by a skilled deputy. As speculation swirls around the choice of prime minister, attention turns to Puntland’s Sa’id Abdullahi Deni, whose support helped HSM win. Yet concerns about Deni’s strong-willed nature could complicate governance. These early decisions reflect HSM’s pragmatic leadership style within Somalia’s semi-presidential system. While some appointments are political, they suggest a deliberate effort to build stability, and many analysts advise giving HSM time before drawing conclusions.
Somalia’s deep-rooted nomadic culture, known as reer guuraanimo, shaped generations of pastoralists who moved in search of pasture and water. While many Somalis have since settled in cities, the spirit of mobility continues to define the nation’s identity especially through migration and the expansive Somali diaspora. Driven by authoritarian repression in the 1980s and civil war from 1991, Somalis sought asylum across Africa, Europe, North America, and Australia. Refugee camps like Dadaab became starting points for resettlement abroad. Even in exile, the diaspora remained closely tied to Somalia. Through remittances now estimated at $1.6 to $2 billion annually the diaspora supported relatives, funded education, and even helped stabilize the economy. Since 2009, waves of educated, entrepreneurial returnees have launched businesses, introduced new services, and taken on key government roles.
Western films have long portrayed Somalia through a narrow lens, emphasizing war, piracy, and terrorism. Hollywood blockbusters like Black Hawk Down (2001) and Captain Phillips (2013) painted grim pictures of Somalia, often simplifying complex realities. Even years after piracy declined, cinema continued to dramatize Somali pirates, reinforcing outdated stereotypes. Despite casting Somali actors for authenticity, such as Barkhad Abdi, these narratives seldom offered balanced perspectives. The piracy genre, including Fishing Without Nets and A Hijacking, showcased dramatic tensions but rarely explored the root causes of maritime crime. Meanwhile, terrorism-themed films like Sicario: Day of the Soldado, Submergence, and Eye in the Sky used Somalia as a backdrop for covert operations without delving into local contexts. However, a shift is underway. A new wave of Somali-centered films is emerging, with stories told by or about Somalis themselves. Desert Flower, A Girl from Mogadishu, and The Gravedigger’s Wife offer more nuanced portrayals, highlighting strength, resilience, and social issues like FGM.
Mohamed Hussein Roble, once a quiet technocrat and environmental engineer, emerged as an unlikely but pivotal figure in Somalia’s recent political history. Appointed as a supposedly docile Prime Minister in 2020 by President Farmaajo’s Nabad iyo Nolol party, Roble surprised many by standing up for constitutional order during Somalia’s 2021 electoral crisis. When parliament controversially extended Farmaajo’s mandate by two years, Roble refused to go along, instead mediating between opposition groups and federal leaders to restore the electoral process. Despite increasing tensions, sabotage efforts, and even an attempted ouster by Farmaajo, Roble remained steadfast. He convened and led the National Consultative Council and pushed through the long-delayed parliamentary elections. His firm stance and willingness to risk personal safety helped avert civil war and set the stage for a peaceful transfer of power. Notably, Roble chose not to run for president himself, removing any doubts about his impartiality.
Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Somalia has long been recognised as a critical component of peacebuilding and state development, yet tangible progress remains limited. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s new administration, SSR has once again taken centre stage, with early promises to reform outdated legal frameworks and federalise the security apparatus. Major priorities include depoliticising the Somali Security Forces (SSF), reinstating civilian oversight, and holding accountable those who misused security power for political gain under the previous regime. Collaboration with Federal Member States (FMSs) will be essential to reform key institutions like the National Security Council and implement the 2017 National Security Architecture. Additionally, a coherent legal framework, improved coordination with donors, and stronger ICT, logistics, and asset management systems are critical to ensure both efficiency and accountability. One of the most urgent reforms is the removal of inadequately vetted Al-Shabaab defectors from within the SSF, a legacy of the previous administration’s missteps.
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud returns to power in a vastly different Somalia from the one he governed in 2012–2017. Domestically, the new administration must navigate tensions between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and its Federal Member States (FMSs), healing divides caused by the previous Farmaajo regime. Hassan Sheikh is expected to revive inclusive dialogue and foster cooperation, particularly with estranged states like Jubaland and Puntland. Internationally, the landscape has also shifted. Relations with Kenya are strained, Ethiopia is focused inward due to conflict, and the controversial Tripartite Alliance with Ethiopia and Eritrea is losing momentum. The president is likely to distance Somalia from Eritrea and Qatar while seeking balanced ties with Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Security remains a critical concern. The resurgence of Al-Shabaab, the collapse of past coordination, and the politicisation of forces under Farmaajo have weakened progress. Hassan Sheikh’s leadership is anticipated to return focus to unified counter-terrorism strategies with renewed international support.
The election defeat of former Somali president Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo marks the end of a turbulent era defined by hypernationalism and divisive populism. His Nabad iyo Nolol (N&N) movement fused ultranationalist rhetoric, conservative religiosity, and authoritarian politics, reshaping Somalia’s political landscape. Drawing inspiration from Trump-style populism, Farmaajo and his allies weaponised nationalism, framing themselves as the sole defenders of Somali identity while labelling opponents as traitors. This ideology tapped into Pan-Somali sentiments, inflaming tensions with Kenya, straining regional relations, and deepening internal divisions. N&N also found ideological allies in the conservative Salafi movement Al-I’tisaam, reinforcing a rigid, intolerant worldview. Even with Farmaajo out of office, the movement’s influence persists with a substantial bloc in parliament still loyal to his ideas.
On May 15, 2022, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was re-elected as Somalia’s president in a historic landslide victory over outgoing leader Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo. Securing 214 votes against Farmaajo’s 110, Mohamud became the first Somali leader to hold the presidency twice in non-consecutive terms. His win marks a significant political shift, ending Farmaajo’s controversial five-year rule marked by authoritarian tendencies, strained regional relations, and stalled federalism. The election also signals a potential reset in Somalia’s foreign policy, moving away from heavy Qatari influence and the divisive Tripartite Alliance with Ethiopia and Eritrea. Mohamud inherits a nation facing deep challenges, including the growing threat of Al-Shabaab, a fragmented security sector, and political polarisation. Despite these obstacles, his victory is seen as a chance to rebuild consensus politics, improve relations with neighbours such as Kenya, and restore Somalia’s path toward stability. The peaceful transfer of power is widely celebrated as a democratic success, offering hope for governance reforms, strengthened institutions, and renewed efforts in state-building. As Somalia looks ahead, the nation’s focus will be on security reforms, economic development, and fostering unity across its federal states.
On 16 May, Somalia will elect a new president, likely ending Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s divisive five-year rule. The incoming leader inherits a deeply fragmented security sector and a growing Al‑Shabaab threat. Despite having over 70,000 trained forces, Somalia’s military campaigns, such as Operation Badbaado, have failed due to poor coordination, politicisation of security units, and misuse of elite forces like Danab, Duufaan, and Haram’ad for political ends. Under Farmaajo, the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) abandoned its core mission, becoming a tool of political control and allowing Al‑Shabaab infiltration. Secretive training programs, including sending 5,000 recruits to Eritrea, have raised transparency and accountability concerns, especially amid reports of missing soldiers.
Somalia’s most contentious presidential election in decades is set for 15 May 2022, with 39 cleared candidates vying for the top seat. This high-stakes race comes after years of political turmoil under President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s administration. Despite the $40,000 registration fee deterring unserious contenders, reports indicate rampant vote-buying, with a single MP’s vote fetching between $40,000 and $300,000. Farmaajo’s camp, allegedly backed by Qatari funds, is spending heavily but faces strong opposition determined to block his re-election. The frontrunners former presidents Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud—are neck-and-neck, with Puntland’s Sa’id Abdullahi Deni still a factor. Meanwhile, former PM Hassan Ali Kheyre’s credibility has been damaged by suspected ties to Farmaajo’s inner circle.
Somalia’s population is among the youngest in the world, with a median age of just 16.7 years and a fertility rate of 6.1 births per woman. This youth bulge offers immense potential but also poses serious risks when opportunities for education, employment, and personal growth are scarce. In urban areas especially, many young Somalis face a bleak future, turning instead to substance abuse, idleness, irregular migration (“tahriib”), crime, and extremist ideologies. Historically, Somali youth culture shifted dramatically during the civil war. Once inspired by folklore heroes and football icons, many began idolizing gunmen and warlords. This shift fed the growth of neighborhood gangs (ciyaal weero) and later armed recruitment. Groups like Al-Shabaab target children as young as eight, offering money, status, and marriage prospects while indoctrinating them to carry out attacks, including suicide bombings. Despite Somalia ratifying the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 2015, child recruitment remains rampant. Without urgent reforms, investments in education, job creation, and community protection, Somalia’s youth bulge risks becoming a destabilizing force. Harnessing this generation’s potential is vital to steering the nation toward stability and progress rather than conflict and extremism.