Issue No. 420

Published 06 Jul 2022

Somalia and the Nairobi IGAD summit

Published on 06 Jul 2022 22:20 min

Somalia and the Nairobi IGAD summit

On July 5, the regional body, IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development), held an emergency summit in Nairobi to discuss the Sudan Ethiopia border tensions. 

It was not lost on observers that on the day of the summit, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) of Somalia was in Ankara addressing a forum convened by the Turkish foreign policy think-tank, SETA Foundation. Possibly, the Nairobi meeting was hastily convened and there might have been a genuine scheduling clash, but is it conceivable that HSM deliberately opted to stay away or downgrade Somalia's participation?

The absence of Somalia’s new president from this meeting, certainly, has raised eyebrows; Mogadishu sent a delegation led by the former deputy PM, Mahdi Guled. Many observers expected that the Somali president would leap at the chance of hobnobbing with his peers and forging new alliances.

To understand the context, one needs to look at IGAD, the disarray within, the organisational regional power dynamics and the calculations of the new Somali president.

IGAD as an organisation has been less active on regional peace and security issues for some years. The Nairobi summit may seem like an attempt to make the organisation more engaged on emerging conflict issues, but the reality is that more needs to be done to make IGAD respond better to regional challenges.

The summit was designed to nudge Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali and Sudan’s Gen Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan to try to find an amicable settlement to the Al-Fashaga border dispute. In some ways, it helps PM Abiy deflect growing internal discontent over his handling of the border dispute. The Amhara, in particular, who looked up to the Ethiopian PM to secure their stakes in the contested agricultural lands, feel hugely disappointed. Some also feel “betrayed” at the manner in which Abiy allowed the Sudanese army to regain the bulk of Al-Fashaga from “occupation” by Amhara farmers. Abiy, with the help of the Nairobi summit buys time to manage Amhara discontent; already dangerously at boiling point following a spate of massacres in Oromia in recent weeks.

Sudan’s Gen Burhan, unlike Abiy, faces no domestic backlash over the Al-Fashaga crisis. Most Sudanese want Burhan to capitalise on Ethiopia’s current weakness and consolidate their grip on the contested border region. Beyond playing nice at a regional forum, Burhan has little to gain or give. To cede territory will make him lose face with his own people.

For the Kenyan hosts, the Sudan-Ethiopia talks is seen as a major diplomatic success. Nairobi has recently also been engaged in efforts to broker a settlement in DRCongo and Ethiopia. President Uhuru Kenyatta, whose term ends after elections in August, just a few weeks from now, would probably love to leave  also likely he sees himself now as a regional peace broker and keen to burnish further his resume.

Somalia under HSM would like to be an active regional player. Hassan Sheikh has been critical of his predecessor, Mohammed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s pivot to Eritrea and the creation of the so-called Tripartite Alliance (that brought together Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea in a strategic partnership). The alliance was widely viewed as an attempt to weaken or fragment IGAD. HSM, in theory, is better disposed towards IGAD than Farmaajo.

Like other weaker members of the grouping, Somalia would like to see less hegemony exerted by the powerful states (Kenya and Ethiopia) and a more egalitarian body that functions through consent. Mogadishu disagrees for example with the established tradition of selecting the top leader of the organisation from only Kenya and Ethiopia. A meeting to discuss long-delayed reform of IGAD is what would interest Mogadishu more. That, for now, may seem like a distant prospect.

But there are other dynamics. HSM’s relations with both Kenya and Ethiopia remain shaky. Attempts in mid June to repair Kenya-Somalia relations have not yet paid off. Nairobi strong-armed Mogadishu into lifting a ban on khat imports from Kenya, but stalled on a promise to concede on a raft of unofficial demands by the Somalis; among them ease of visas, Kenyan support for Somalia membership of COMESA. A recent protocol row over the Somaliland flag has added to the febrile climate. The Kenyan electoral timetable has also made it difficult for policy makers to fine-tune and choreograph “normalisation”.

HSM promised a new era in which Somalia will be at peace with itself and with the rest of the world (Somaali heshiis ah, dunidana heshiis la ah). He is certainly keen to build a healthier foreign policy that reduces tensions with neighbours and enhances cooperation. But he is unlikely to bend to the will and whims of powerful neighbours. 

The onus is on Kenya – the only regional actor with diplomatic credibility and heft – to steer Somalia gently into a cooperative mode, not an antagonistic mode. 

The Somali Wire Team

 

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