Issue No. 420

Published 06 Jul 2022

Somalia and the Nairobi IGAD summit

Published on 06 Jul 2022 22:20 min

Somalia and the Nairobi IGAD summit

On July 5, the regional body, IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development), held an emergency summit in Nairobi to discuss the Sudan Ethiopia border tensions. 

It was not lost on observers that on the day of the summit, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) of Somalia was in Ankara addressing a forum convened by the Turkish foreign policy think-tank, SETA Foundation. Possibly, the Nairobi meeting was hastily convened and there might have been a genuine scheduling clash, but is it conceivable that HSM deliberately opted to stay away or downgrade Somalia's participation?

The absence of Somalia’s new president from this meeting, certainly, has raised eyebrows; Mogadishu sent a delegation led by the former deputy PM, Mahdi Guled. Many observers expected that the Somali president would leap at the chance of hobnobbing with his peers and forging new alliances.

To understand the context, one needs to look at IGAD, the disarray within, the organisational regional power dynamics and the calculations of the new Somali president.

IGAD as an organisation has been less active on regional peace and security issues for some years. The Nairobi summit may seem like an attempt to make the organisation more engaged on emerging conflict issues, but the reality is that more needs to be done to make IGAD respond better to regional challenges.

The summit was designed to nudge Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali and Sudan’s Gen Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan to try to find an amicable settlement to the Al-Fashaga border dispute. In some ways, it helps PM Abiy deflect growing internal discontent over his handling of the border dispute. The Amhara, in particular, who looked up to the Ethiopian PM to secure their stakes in the contested agricultural lands, feel hugely disappointed. Some also feel “betrayed” at the manner in which Abiy allowed the Sudanese army to regain the bulk of Al-Fashaga from “occupation” by Amhara farmers. Abiy, with the help of the Nairobi summit buys time to manage Amhara discontent; already dangerously at boiling point following a spate of massacres in Oromia in recent weeks.

Sudan’s Gen Burhan, unlike Abiy, faces no domestic backlash over the Al-Fashaga crisis. Most Sudanese want Burhan to capitalise on Ethiopia’s current weakness and consolidate their grip on the contested border region. Beyond playing nice at a regional forum, Burhan has little to gain or give. To cede territory will make him lose face with his own people.

For the Kenyan hosts, the Sudan-Ethiopia talks is seen as a major diplomatic success. Nairobi has recently also been engaged in efforts to broker a settlement in DRCongo and Ethiopia. President Uhuru Kenyatta, whose term ends after elections in August, just a few weeks from now, would probably love to leave  also likely he sees himself now as a regional peace broker and keen to burnish further his resume.

Somalia under HSM would like to be an active regional player. Hassan Sheikh has been critical of his predecessor, Mohammed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s pivot to Eritrea and the creation of the so-called Tripartite Alliance (that brought together Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea in a strategic partnership). The alliance was widely viewed as an attempt to weaken or fragment IGAD. HSM, in theory, is better disposed towards IGAD than Farmaajo.

Like other weaker members of the grouping, Somalia would like to see less hegemony exerted by the powerful states (Kenya and Ethiopia) and a more egalitarian body that functions through consent. Mogadishu disagrees for example with the established tradition of selecting the top leader of the organisation from only Kenya and Ethiopia. A meeting to discuss long-delayed reform of IGAD is what would interest Mogadishu more. That, for now, may seem like a distant prospect.

But there are other dynamics. HSM’s relations with both Kenya and Ethiopia remain shaky. Attempts in mid June to repair Kenya-Somalia relations have not yet paid off. Nairobi strong-armed Mogadishu into lifting a ban on khat imports from Kenya, but stalled on a promise to concede on a raft of unofficial demands by the Somalis; among them ease of visas, Kenyan support for Somalia membership of COMESA. A recent protocol row over the Somaliland flag has added to the febrile climate. The Kenyan electoral timetable has also made it difficult for policy makers to fine-tune and choreograph “normalisation”.

HSM promised a new era in which Somalia will be at peace with itself and with the rest of the world (Somaali heshiis ah, dunidana heshiis la ah). He is certainly keen to build a healthier foreign policy that reduces tensions with neighbours and enhances cooperation. But he is unlikely to bend to the will and whims of powerful neighbours. 

The onus is on Kenya – the only regional actor with diplomatic credibility and heft – to steer Somalia gently into a cooperative mode, not an antagonistic mode. 

The Somali Wire Team

 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll