The Disconnect: Rhetoric vs. Reality
Today's editorial in The Somali Wire is written by Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame.
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Somalia stands at a critical juncture, facing a premeditated constitutional crisis. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose mandate constitutionally expires in eight months, is not facilitating a peaceful transition but is instead orchestrating a political impasse to justify an unconstitutional extension of his term, abandoning any pretence of preparing for a democratic transition.
While the president's public rhetoric champions electoral reform, his actions reveal a systematic power grab. Since his 2022 election, HSM has operated on a doctrine of perceived power, relentlessly reshaping Somalia's political landscape to concentrate authority in his own hands. This consolidation of power rests on four key pillars:
The "Three-Tier" Election: A Calculated Impossibility
The centrepiece of this strategy is the sudden, uncompromising demand for synchronised federal, regional, and district elections. Portraying this complex "three-tier" vote as a logistical necessity is a deliberate fraud. All stakeholders understand that organising such an undertaking within eight months is an absolute impossibility.
This impossibility is precisely the point. The president's playbook is to create an unsolvable problem, and then position himself as the indispensable solution. When the clock runs out and the election is unachievable, his compliant commission will have the pretext to propose a term extension. It is a cynical, premeditated plan to override the constitution and void the will of the Somali people.
The Strategy of Manufactured Chaos
To execute this plan, HSM has methodically dismantled checks and balances:
Subverting Federalism: Leaders in South West, Hirshabelle, and Galmudug have been co-opted or coerced, transforming a system of regional balance into a personal patronage network.
Weaponising the State: Key institutions now operate as extensions of the presidential office, suppressing dissent and enabling widespread impunity.
This manufactured instability is not a failure of governance; it is its objective. By dividing the nation and sabotaging reconciliation, the president creates the very chaos he uses to justify his continued rule. This environment has permitted egregious acts—from the illegal sale of public lands to the violent suppression of opponents—all while nearly 140,000 vulnerable citizens have been displaced by force exacerbated by this catastrophic leadership.
His tenure, marked by notorious corruption and crippling nepotism, has shattered national hope and betrayed a generation. He has forfeited any moral or political right to seek a single day beyond his constitutional mandate.
The Path Forward: From Manufactured Crisis to National Dialogue
Facing the failure of his plans, the President must now abandon his quest for an unconstitutional extension and negotiate a solution with key stakeholders. The Somali people resoundingly rejected a term extension under his predecessor, and they reject it now. The solution requires immediate, concerted action:
The countdown has begun. The future of Somalia's fragile democracy is at stake. We, the opposition, together with the Somali people, are watching. We will not stand idle while one man's ambition destroys the foundations of our nation.
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In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.
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Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.
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The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.
The worm, it seems, has finally turned. After years serving as a prop for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's monocratic aspirations, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, the leader of South West State, has clapped back against Villa Somalia, accusing the federal government of – among other things - dividing the country, monopolising public resources, colluding with Al-Shabaab, and leading Somalia back into state failure.
Last April, General Sheegow Ahmed Ali-- once the highest-ranking military officer hailing from the Somali Bantu-- died in ignominy in a Mogadishu hospital. A senior commander who had previously spearheaded operations in south-central Somalia, Sheegow had been summarily sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2023 for operating a militia in the capital. His death-- mourned widely and protested in Mogadishu and Beledweyne-- returned the spotlight to the pernicious issues of discrimination in the Somali National Army (SNA).
The Horn of Africa's political fate has always been wired to external commercial interests, with its expansive eastern edge on the Red Sea serving as an aorta of trade for millennia. A Greek merchant's manual from the 1st century AD describes the port of Obone in modern-day Puntland as a hub of ivory, tortoiseshell, enslaved people and cinnamon destined for Egypt. Today, as so often quoted, between 12-15% of the world's seaborne trade passes along the arterial waterway, with the Suez Canal bridging Europe and Asia. But well before the globalised world or the vying Gulf and Middle Powers over the Red Sea's littoral administrations, the logic of 'gunboat diplomacy' underpinned the passage over these seas.
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