Issue No. 871

Published 10 Sep 2025

E-Visas and Cyber Sovereignty in Somalia

Published on 10 Sep 2025 20:58 min

E-Visas and Cyber Sovereignty in Somalia

Overflight fees, restricted domestic flights into Gedo, banned Taiwanese visas, new airports, and now a controversial new E-visa system. Controlling only a sliver of the country, visas and airports are one of the few expressions of diaphanous sovereignty under Mogadishu's control. Anyone travelling through Aden Adde is aware of the chaos and graft in the airport, as well as the need for genuine reform and greater efficiency within the Turkish-run terminals. Yet the new E-visa system, abruptly introduced by Somalia's federal government (FGS) on 1 September, does the precise opposite, introducing another rent-generating avenue for an insatiable Villa Somalia while sowing chaos at the same time. Rejected by Somaliland and Puntland, which have separate visa requirements, social media has also been flooded by reports of airlines refusing to board passengers who lack valid E-visas. In practice, the sparkling 'Electronic Visa and Travel Authorisation System,' a supposed "historic milestone," represents another ill-judged, ineffectual power grab by Mogadishu.

In other nations, implementing such an e-visa system would relate to efficiency drives, perhaps, making it easier for foreigners to navigate through bureaucracies and conduct their holiday or business. In Somalia, such a change relates to the paper-thin nature of the federal government's control and dogged insistence upon its 'sovereignty,' only bestowed by the international community. Villa Somalia's sphere of de facto authority is confined to the municipal space of Mogadishu, meaning that the only international borders it controls are Mogadishu's port and airport. The E-visa system enables the FGS to project the illusion of sovereignty across a new frontier: cyberspace.

There is money to be made from visas as well, and with the government desperately trying to boost domestic revenue mobilisation, the USD 64 fee offers a new way to help top up its coffers. Internal Security Minister Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail 'Fartaag' has insisted all fees will be funnelled 'transparently' into government accounts. But the scale of graft within this current administration -- epitomised by the land-clearance campaigns in Mogadishu-- makes it highly questionable that any funds collected will actually go towards Somalia's stalled state-building project. 

In press releases, Somali authorities have claimed that extensive preparation and vetting ensured a smooth system, explaining that the platform would "make it easier for foreigners to apply for a visa from anywhere in the world." As part of the East African Community (EAC) visa rules, several African countries - as well as Malaysia - are still visa-free or can apply upon arrival. But for the most part, those travelling on foreign passports must now be pre-approved before arriving in Somalia. Other ministers have framed it as an attempt to improve the security of Aden Adde, but E-visas are hardly likely to diminish the principal threat to the airport - Al-Shabaab's persistent mortar attacks on Halane and on the runway itself.

Instead, the E-visa system raises new security concerns. For example, the website has been critiqued for its apparent lax security, notably using only a domain-validated SSL certificate, the lowest form of encryption authentication. Al-Shabaab already has informants planted throughout Aden Adde with access to flight lists of individuals arriving in the capital. The new, poorly protected visa system may allow the militants even easier access to the identities – and itineraries – of inbound passengers, long before they even board their flights.

Meanwhile, Puntland has rejected the E-visa system outright and maintains its own parallel system, meaning that passengers must shell out USD 60 for a second visa, almost doubling their costs. Information Minister Mahmoud Aydiid Dirir has dismissed the federal system as "robbery" and "illegal," declaring that "until a formal agreement is reached, the central government has no legal authority to control people landing at the country's airports." Somaliland has also rubbished the new system. In a statement released yesterday, Hargeisa's Ministry of Civil Aviation noted that it would continue to offer visas on arrival at the Egal International Airport and that no other electronic visa would be accepted. Meanwhile, pro-Somaliland social media accounts claim that passengers have been permitted to board flights to Hargeisa without showing an E-visa issued by Mogadishu.

Even in South-Central Somalia, there are concerns that the new E-visa system will aggravate the politicisation of flights and airspace. With so much of Somalia's interior held by Al-Shabaab, flying is the only option for many citizens to avoid travelling through jihadist-controlled areas. The FGS has fashioned a political weapon out of this necessity, requiring all flights, both international and domestic, to be routed through Mogadishu. For much of this year, tensions between Villa Somalia and Kismaayo resulted in a federal flight ban on much of Gedo, forcing passengers to make long detours and pay exorbitant sums to travel to their home region. And last September, amid a brief spat between South West President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and Villa Somalia, the Huddur-based 9th Somali National Army Battalion commander was detained as he flew in from Baidoa after meeting with the regional leader.

The new E-visa fiasco exposes running sores in Somalia's body politic, including unresolved disputes between Mogadishu and the Federal Member States (FMSs) over the constitutional review process and incomplete federal architecture. Villa Somalia's determination to pre-empt negotiations by unilaterally imposing its will has left the nation divided between two versions of the Provisional Constitution and a raft of contested powers and responsibilities, from security to natural resources, revenue collection and even high school graduation certificates. The absence of Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland from Somalia's putative federation leaves the FGS  in nominal control of less than 30% of its national territory – at least half of which is actually administered by Al-Shabaab.

Against this backdrop, Mogadishu's E-visa scheme is likely to be discarded as just another absurd attempt to substitute virtual control of its territory and population for genuine, physical control. But perhaps that is where Somalia is headed: unless the FGS learns to focus on pragmatic politics and effective governance, Villa Somalia's sovereignty may soon be exercised exclusively in cyberspace.  

The Somalia Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Issue No. 939
Laftagareen turns kingmaker to homewrecker
The Somali Wire

The worm, it seems, has finally turned. After years serving as a prop for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's monocratic aspirations, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, the leader of South West State, has clapped back against Villa Somalia, accusing the federal government of – among other things - dividing the country, monopolising public resources, colluding with Al-Shabaab, and leading Somalia back into state failure.


18:32 min read 18 Mar
Issue No. 938
An Army in Search of a Nation
The Somali Wire

Last April, General Sheegow Ahmed Ali-- once the highest-ranking military officer hailing from the Somali Bantu-- died in ignominy in a Mogadishu hospital. A senior commander who had previously spearheaded operations in south-central Somalia, Sheegow had been summarily sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2023 for operating a militia in the capital. His death-- mourned widely and protested in Mogadishu and Beledweyne-- returned the spotlight to the pernicious issues of discrimination in the Somali National Army (SNA).


22:23 min read 16 Mar
Issue No. 937
The Other Strait
The Somali Wire

The Horn of Africa's political fate has always been wired to external commercial interests, with its expansive eastern edge on the Red Sea serving as an aorta of trade for millennia. A Greek merchant's manual from the 1st century AD describes the port of Obone in modern-day Puntland as a hub of ivory, tortoiseshell, enslaved people and cinnamon destined for Egypt. Today, as so often quoted, between 12-15% of the world's seaborne trade passes along the arterial waterway, with the Suez Canal bridging Europe and Asia. But well before the globalised world or the vying Gulf and Middle Powers over the Red Sea's littoral administrations, the logic of 'gunboat diplomacy' underpinned the passage over these seas.


19:31 min read 13 Mar
Issue No. 936
More Guns, Less State in Somalia
The Somali Wire

At the collapse of the Somali state in the early 1990s, the bloated, corrupt, and clan-riven national army was nevertheless in possession of vast quantities of light weapons. Much of it sourced during Somalia's ill-fated alliance with the USSR and later Western and Arab patrons, government armouries were soon plundered by warring militias across Mogadishu, Kismaayo, Baidoa, and every garrison town as the country descended into chaos, providing the ammunition for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people.


22:24 min read 11 Mar
Scroll