Issue No. 844

Published 09 Jul 2025

Autism in Somalia

Published on 09 Jul 2025 16:54 min

Autism in Somalia

In recent years, an increasingly sophisticated understanding of the nuances of autism has emerged across much of the world. Advanced ways of identifying and supporting those with neurodivergence have materialised, particularly in education and in the job market. That has not been the case in Somalia, however, even though medical studies have revealed disproportionately high diagnosis rates amongst Somali children in some Western countries. Instead, traditional Somali understandings of mental health and neurodivergence continue to operate in a rigid binary, centred around the concept of waali (insanity). Within Somali culture, there is limited room for developmental or neurological differences that do not fall within these expectations of either psychosis or normalcy. 

Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is classified as a broad spectrum of neurodevelopmental disorders that vary significantly in terms of communication abilities, social interaction, sensory processing, and behaviour. It can range from those entirely non-verbal and requiring intensive daily support to individuals with less distinguishable struggles with social interactions, but who may possess particular intellectual capabilities. Formerly described as Asperger's Syndrome, this latter group is now considered within the autism spectrum disorder, without intellectual impairment. Globally, around 1% of children are estimated to have autism, but accurate medical data in Somalia is nigh-impossible to come by, and this is notably the case regarding autism, which is routinely misdiagnosed. 

There are also critical gendered dimensions of autism, particularly amongst less severe cases, with autistic girls and women routinely overlooked due to their abilities to 'mask' neurodivergence. And this is greatly accentuated in cultural contexts such as Somalia's, where girls are raised to be demure and obedient. This camouflaging can mean that autistic girls are simply considered shy or well-behaved, even while wrestling with significant distress. Conversely, within traditional Somali family structures, where male children are considered the future heads of households and bearers of the family name, developmental differences in boys may attract greater attention. 

That does not mean, however, that there is a broad acceptance or understanding of autism and neurodivergent differences in Somalia; quite the opposite. Within the Somali language, there is no word for 'autistic' or those with developmental differences, with terminology historically disparaging. Labels such as qof kala dhiman (incompetent), maangaab (slow-minded), qof jiran (sick), and qof waalan (crazy) reflect the misunderstanding and profound social stigma attached to both autism and mental health challenges, such as PTSD and depression, as well. The harsh binary between 'sane' and 'insane' in Somali culture and lexicon radically reduces the space for understanding, let alone treatment and support. This is compounded by prevailing spiritual interpretations, in which mental and developmental conditions are routinely attributed to possession by jinn, the so-called 'evil eye,' or divine punishment for wrongdoing. 

But underpinning much of this is the cultural architecture of shame (ceeb) and honour (sharaf) in Somalia's clan-based culture. The complex social currency which determines access to marriages, job opportunities, political influence, and community systems is not kind to those with non-verbal autism. Having a neurodivergent child who is unable to verbally communicate is often regarded as a moral indictment, a source of shame to be concealed, and associated with bad luck that can bring misfortune, such as drought. Consequently, many families prefer to interpret their child's behaviours as a temporary phase that will be resolved through patience and faith.

It is then little surprise that support for those with all strands of autism is virtually non-existent in Somalia. Decades of civil war and conflict have decimated the country's healthcare system, leaving only a handful of mental health practitioners remaining in the country. Combined with a lack of culturally adapted diagnostic tools, autism is commonly misdiagnosed or entirely missed. In one case, an autistic boy was misdiagnosed with epilepsy in Mogadishu until his relatives in Kenya identified autistic traits. Further complicating diagnosis is that roughly 60% of Somalia's population is under 25, and having grown up amidst perennial conflict and the collapsed state, many of their formative years have been highly traumatic. Research on childhood experiences suggests that this kind of prolonged exposure to trauma can produce cognitive and behavioural patterns that closely resemble autism, making it difficult to disentangle developmental disorders from the psychological impacts of war. Even amongst those who have heard of autism, misinformation is also rife, and-- as is commonplace in many countries-- associated with vaccinations, particularly the measles jab that happens for 9-10-month-old babies.

But even when a child has been diagnosed-- improbable for those living in Al-Shabaab-held and impoverished rural areas-- there is rarely follow-up support. And this extends to education, with no government-supported autism-centred schooling in the country, and the only speech and occupational therapists concentrated in Somalia's major cities. Thankfully, some specialist centres do exist, such as the Autism Somalia Centre, based in Garowe, which was founded in 2019 to support youth with developmental disabilities. But the majority of support for mental health, under which autism is routinely misclassified, comes under a network of informal private facilities. Known as Ilaaj (healing in Arabic), these unregulated practices emerged in the aftermath of the collapse of the state, with many still run by faith healers who wield 'traditional' practices to somehow heal those displaying autistic traits. Falling far below any level of clinical support, some can veer into abusive, with one 2015 report by Human Rights Watch citing examples of patients held in chains and subjected to exorcism-related physical abuse." Assistance for autistic adults is even more limited, with those requiring full-time care from their families for years-- nearly entirely without diagnoses. Impoverished families do their best with what they can source, sometimes with non-governmental assistance, but mostly without.

There are some efforts within the diaspora to bring about a more sophisticated response within the Somali context to autism. In Minnesota, for instance, Somali parents and healthcare workers have sought to introduce terms such as maangaar (unique mind) in an effort to reframe autism in a less stigmatising light. There are comparatively higher rates of autism within the Somali diaspora, a 2023 study by the US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention in Minnesota – home to the largest Somali population in North America – found that one in 16 Somali four-year-olds had been diagnosed with autism, compared to one in 53 among their non-Somali peers. Even so, these findings have been met with scepticism by many diaspora families, who have frequently dismissed it as a 'western disease' – believing autism does not exist in Somalia.

Greater and more diverse support for the broad array of autistic people is clearly needed in Somalia, but with such limited government infrastructure, it is grassroots organisations and some international non-governmental organisations that have assumed the burden. Beyond the occasional oasis of autism-focused centres, it is the pervasive stigma and misinformation around autism and other neurological differences that remain the most significant barriers to supporting those with autism and their families. Breaking down the binaries surrounding sanity/insanity is no small feat, but establishing some greater regulations concerning the Ilaaj centres is eminently possible. And perhaps as a first step, greater research could be invested into neurodivergent and mental health issues in Somalia towards understanding, awareness raising and the development of support systems for individuals and families struggling to come to terms with such disorders.

The Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 953
A Coronation in Mogadishu – How Clans Stormed the Citadel
The Somali Wire

Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.


21:22 min read 27 Apr
Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Scroll