Children in Somalia's Wars
Between 2010 and 2016, over 6,000 Somali children were forcibly recruited into armed groups, and 2,000 in 2018 alone — the highest number recorded globally. Some were as young as 8. Since the collapse of the state in the early 1990s, Somalia has served as an example of how instability and social fragmentation can fuel the exploitation of children in conflict. Today, Al-Shabaab is widely regarded as the most culpable of Somalia's myriad armed forces for their indoctrination and abduction of children into their ranks.
Decades of instability and insecurity in Somalia have brought about particularly severe tolls on successive generations of children. For many, extreme violence and its consequences have been normalised as part of the social fabric of their daily lives. Armed conflict has been the norm, not the exception, with mass displacement, lack of schooling, and cyclical humanitarian crises all products of the internecine warfare that has troubled Somalia.
Though children were deployed on multiple sides in the brutal inter-clan conflicts of the 1990s, Al-Shabaab is currently responsible for the vast majority of violent child exploitation in Somalia. The jihadist group entrenched across much of central-southern Somalia continues to forcibly recruit children, both boys and girls, as a form of tax on the communities it controls. In turn, the training that the boys undergo is often brutal, blending religious indoctrination alongside combat instruction. As part of this 'education,' some have been reported to have been made to watch suicide bombings. For Al-Shabaab, manipulating these children is often relatively straightforward. Isolated from their families and denied access to formal education, these children are conditioned to view their commanders as surrogate parents and to seek their validation. It is not solely through forced recruitment that young boys join Al-Shabaab, however. With few economic opportunities, some turn towards the extremists and other armed groups for financial, not ideological, reasons. For these children, survival often takes over, and they are forced to grow up quickly, acquiring skills and responsibilities that exceed their age.
Meanwhile, abducted girls are typically used for domestic roles as well as forced marriages to fighters. Women and girls are rarely deployed in combat roles by Al-Shabaab, barring some notable exceptions, such as the blind female suicide bomber who killed the mayor of Mogadishu in 2019. However, the participation of those under 18 in conflict is not solely limited to picking up arms on the frontlines; it incorporates a broader range of roles, including messengers or spies. For instance, Al-Shabaab's much-feared secret service, known as the Amniyaat, has long incorporated children into its networks for their ability to go undetected and overlooked by the security services.
In 2022, the ma'awiisley uprising of clans in central Somalia against the jihadist group was in part driven by Al-Shabaab's 'taxtortion' that included a levy of young boys for fighting. The Hawaadle and other clans in Hiiraan, Middle Shabelle, and Galmudug pushed the extremists out of significant parts of their territory, though these gains have been steadily rolled back by Al-Shabaab. Following the liberation of these areas, Al-Shabaab's child recruitment-- boys for fighting and girls for wives-- briefly declined as a result. However, since the militants have retaken many of the villages and towns, child recruitment into their ranks has resumed once again.
Some controversies would emerge with the ma'awiisley retaking land, though, with a handful of the children and wives of Al-Shabaab members or alleged supporters targeted in liberated villages. For instance, in Bulobuurde in Hiiraan in late 2022, a 14-year-old boy was killed due to his father's purported support for the jihadists. While some ma'awiisley leaders had initially not explicitly discouraged the targeting of civilians affiliated with Al-Shabaab, following a spate of these attacks, then-Hiiraan Governor and Hawaadle leader Ali Osman Jeyte instructed his forces not to target civilians. With military operations having resumed in Hiiraan, albeit at a far smaller scale, concerns have been raised about the possible targeting of civilians.
Though the instances of child soldiers being used in the Somali National Army (SNA) or regional Daraawiish are far fewer, they still face particular risks from government authorities. In Puntland, for example, children accused of affiliation with Al-Shabaab have been executed with minimal due process. Far from addressing the root causes of child recruitment, these incidents violate international law, including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which explicitly prohibits the execution of individuals under the age of 18, which Somalia ratified in 2015.
Breaking the cycle of child recruitment in Somalia requires more than military responses or penal measures—it needs a shift in addressing the root causes that make children vulnerable to exploitation. As long as economic hardship, lack of education, and conflict persist, armed groups will continue to manipulate and deploy them as weapons. A lasting solution must prioritise rehabilitation over retribution.
The Somali Wire Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
I stand before you today with profound respect and appreciation for the sacrifices the sons and daughters of your countries have made in the AMISOM/ATMIS/AUSSOM missions to help their African brothers and sisters in Somalia fight the scourge of Al-Shabaab, open and maintain critical trade routes, and help in the state-building process of Somalia.
Somalia’s opposition - frustrated by months of stagnant dialogue - has for the first time proposed a transitional mechanism to break the country's protracted political deadlock. In an open letter addressed to a crucial extraordinary summit of African Troop and Police Contributing Countries (TPCCs) which opened on Wednesday in Kampala, the Somali Future Council (SFC) said that a new transitional governance arrangement was vital and necessary and is hoping the initiative will gain traction among regional actors who have boots on the ground and share a vested interest in a durable political settlement.
In a significant symbolic blow to Somali unionism, Fahiima Yusuf Quuje - a prominent Dhulbahante activist from the Jama Siyaad sub-clan who was instrumental in mobilising grassroots support for the armed insurrection in Laas Anood - late last week declared she was repudiating Somali unionism and the ‘Greater Somalia’ ideology, tendering her resignation from her regional assembly seat in the fledgling, Mogadishu-backed Northeastern State of Somalia (NES) and would be returning to Somaliland. A day after the announcement, Quuje landed at Egal International Airport in Hargeisa, where she was greeted by high-ranking dignitaries, garlanded in the Somaliland flag, and serenaded with patriotic anthems.
Today marks exactly two months since Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) unveiled his unilateral one-year term extension. While it is too early to draw definitive conclusions, HSM has evidently survived, rebounded, and consolidated power in ways that defy earlier predictions. A leader whom many had been wont to dismiss as too tarnished to retain executive power beyond May 2026 remains firmly in the saddle, holding the political initiative and dictating terms. His opponents, meanwhile, are in deep disarray. Their cohesion is fracturing, they lack a coherent, unified strategy, and they are locked in a dialogue of attrition designed to wear down their will and force their capitulation.
The Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was hailed as a historic breakthrough. In reality, it was a strategic gamble built on contradictions—and its apparent failure may prove to be a blessing in disguise for Somaliland and Ethiopia.
For the first time in over six decades, Somalia has overhauled its foundational criminal law - the 1962 Law No. 5. Now awaiting parliamentary and presidential approval, the Draft Somali Penal Code (SPC) nonetheless struggles with multiple hurdles and will likely face significant objection, not least, from Somalia’s Western partners and liberal-minded younger generation of Somalis disappointed with the new text’s failure to break away from its historical illiberal roots.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has published a new Draft Somalia Penal Code (SPC) - marking its first comprehensive legal overhaul in 64 years. The 136-page draft was first submitted to Parliament in January 2026 and underwent its first reading but the process of endorsing it became entangled with the escalating electoral and constitutional dispute, forcing the government to shelve it. The changes aim to update the 1962 Law No. 5 Penal Code and codify Islamic criminal law (uqubat). If endorsed by parliament and approved by the President, they will formally embed the three pillars of the Sharia punitive framework into the statute - fixed punishments (hudud), retributive justice (qisas), and statutory judicial discretion (ta'zir).
Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.
Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.