Issue No. 580

Published 18 Aug 2023

The Spectre of Corruption

Published on 18 Aug 2023 15:14 min

The Spectre of Corruption

Somalia faces many challenges that have long hindered its progress and development. But among these, the spectres of nepotism, clannism, and corruption perhaps loom largest. The corrosive effects of corruption are well-known. It has seeped into every aspect of Somalia’s social, political, and economic life, from its judicial system to public procurement. It erodes trust in institutions and perpetuates cycles of exclusion and division, all while worsening poverty, hindering aid and investment, and undermining the fight against Al-Shabaab (AS). The narratives of Somalia as a corrupt country are equally well-known, with the nation marred at the bottom of several global corruption indexes, including Transparency International’s 2022 rankings. 

One recent visible example of the country’s endemic corruption was the 100m race at the World University Games in Chengdu, China, at the beginning of August. Somalia’s representative, an untrained 20-year-old called Nasra Abukar Ali, was widely ridiculed after reportedly running the slowest 100m in the competition's history. Seemingly undeterred at her lack of pace, she crossed the finish line with a skip. Revelations of her family connections, however, soon fuelled criticism across social media. The Athletics Federation Chairwoman, Khadijo Aden Dahir, was suspended by Sports Minister Mohamed Barre Mohamud, who cited "abuse of power, nepotism, and defaming the name of the nation.” 

The situation highlights a need for better oversight and support for Somali athletes. The real issue, however, lies in addressing nepotism within government institutions. And far more serious than some university games is how corruption has undermined government institutions and facilitated extremist groups in Somalia. The Somali National Army (SNA) is not insulated from the tendrils of corruption. Senior SNA officers have repeatedly exaggerated soldier numbers to access greater funding. Their clan and business networks often jostle for lucrative contracts to provide equipment or food for Somalia’s security forces. Corruption has also played a central role in hollowing out Somalia’s institutions, allowing AS to fill the gaps where the state should be. 

Impunity for corruption is common, partly because it is so endemic. Indeed, last year’s delayed elections that eventually brought President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) to power were marred by reports of bribery and corruption. Corruption rises to its highest point in Somalia in each election cycle, with votes often auctioned off. While perhaps unrealistic and lacking clarity, the promise of one-person, one-vote elections in the National Consultative Council’s proposals would go some way in combating this corrosive tradition. 

The current administration has an opportunity to take decisive action and help Somalia free itself from the web of clientelist networks that hold back the country. HSM’s signing of 8 anti-corruption directives in May was commendable. These directives were aimed at addressing corruption and promoting accountability within government institutions. And at a recent celebration for the 17th anniversary of the founding of Galmudug State, HSM warned the public against inducing clan loyalties to defend individuals accused of corruption. The incident surrounding Nasra Abukar Ali, however, raises doubts about the effectiveness of such measures. It revealed just how deeply ingrained corruption is within Somalia

To confront this pervasive issue, Somalia’s government must follow through with the repeated promises of institutional reforms to promote transparency and accountability. Past leaders' involvement in nepotism and corruption should serve as a stark reminder of the challenges ahead. From as far back as 1969, when Mohamed Siad Barre seized power, his regime’s motto was maxaa taqaan rather than ayaa taqaan, ‘it is what you know,’ over ‘who you know.’ Yet Barre’s administration produced a more polarised clan-based country than that of his predecessor, with half of his first cabinet from his own Darood clan. 

The nation's transition and persistent conflicts make the task more difficult, but it is precisely during such crises that the call for genuine change becomes imperative. President Hassan Shiekh, in his attempt to address these entrenched issues, must foster a sense of national identity and unity. A more united Somalia can yet rise above divisive clan affiliations that sustain corruption and work towards a more inclusive society. Emphasising transparency and equal opportunities for all citizens, regardless of clan, will be crucial in restoring faith in the government's ability to deliver impartial services.

The starting point lies in finalising the Provisional Constitution. A well-crafted constitution, upholding the rule of law and ensuring an independent judiciary, can form the backbone of an equitable society. By better incorporating provisions for transparency, accountability, and anti-corruption measures, the Constitution could yet establish a strong framework for good governance and begin to eradicate the scourge of corruption. 

HSM appears to have set Somalia on the right path, but the journey to lasting change will be complex and challenging. It demands strong commitment from all stakeholders to build a more inclusive and equitable society, and even a willingness to potentially forego wealth and favours. The fight against corruption and nepotism requires collective determination. Only with that can Somalia truly unlock its potential and forge a better future. 

The Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 961
Deciphering Al-Shabaab's Radio Silence
The Somali Wire

Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.


20 min read 17 Jun
Issue No. 960
The Galmudug Vote – The Next Powder Keg
The Somali Wire

While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.


7:13 min read 10 Jun
Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Scroll