The Somali government’s culture of corruption – a clear and present danger
Somalia is currently experiencing the worst drought in a generation. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s (HSM) foremost priorities seem to be the drought and the return of the missing soldiers from Eritrea. While he is right to put these acute crises at the top of his agenda, the chronic quandary of government corruption also poses an existential threat to Somalia’s security, economy, and society. Perhaps because it has existed for decades, with little change, Somalia’s culture of corruption has become entrenched and generally accepted as unavoidable. This has allowed the government to ignore the problem, even as it perpetuates it. Meanwhile, it is increasingly clear that the impunity with which government officials engage in bribery and looting cannot be separated from other afflictions, which corruption tends to aggravate. For example, some of the taxes and donations intended for the neediest Somalis have been siphoned off by unscrupulous government officials.
Government corruption also perpetuates inequality and creates discontent among poor and marginalized people, which sustains violent extremist organisations such as Al-Shabaab. As Austrian Economist Ludwig Mises famously said, “There is no more dangerous menace to civilization than a government of incompetent, corrupt, or vile men.” Government corruption is an endemic, insidious threat that HSM needs to address immediately.
The recent Somali election was the most corrupt, non-transparent, and expensive one in the nation’s recent history. Many of the elected/selected members of parliament (MPs) pledged their votes to the highest bidder – regardless of who they ultimately cast their ballots for. Additionally, most of these MPs hope to become cabinet ministers in the new administration. Similarly, some senators have recently expressed their interest in government posts, claiming that no law prevents them from entering the cabinet, like their counterparts in the lower house of parliament. Farmaajo, in order to avoid accountability and to discourage the legislative body from a no-confidence motion, had selected most of his cabinet ministers from among house MPs. These ministers then double-dipped when it came to salaries and other perks. To form an effective and accountable government, HSM needs to keep three branches of government separate.
The recent hearing of the FGS House of the People (HoP) Finance Sub-Committee and the federal Minister of Finance, Abdirahman Duale Beyle, shed little light on this issue. Instead of directly answering the committee’s questions, Minister Beyle chose to ridicule the deputy speaker of the HoP, Sa’adiya Yasin Samatar, and gave ambiguous answers about loans provided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under President Farmaajo. He couldn’t say if the funds were a loan that required repayment or were instead grants. Previously, when Beyle was summoned to the Auditor General’s office, he refused to appear unless the Attorney General went with him. It suggested that he had something to hide. The Auditor General subsequently accused Beyle of knowingly and intentionally hiring three federal employees who were receiving salaries from another federal institution. And not just salaries; they also received various perks from Ministry of Finance programs.
The HoP didn’t receive three of the last five years’ audited budgets and financial statements for both houses of the legislators, but nevertheless approved an unprecedented $918.7 million budget for the forthcoming year. The HoP Financial Sub-Committee needs to investigate the Ministry of Finance and bring to justice anyone found guilty of any criminal acts or intentional and willful misappropriation of government funds or resources, not proceed with ‘business as usual.'
Somalia’s Federal Member States (FMSs) have hardly been immune from the scourge of official corruption, either. For example, last month, the Puntland Ministry of Health realized that it was missing 300 cartons of Plumpy’Nut, a ready-to-use therapeutic food. The intended recipients were children suffering from severe acute malnutrition. But Puntland failed to protect or deliver this essential life-saving food, which may have cost lives. Not one government employee was disciplined, lost their job, or was criminally charged for this heinous crime.
Since some of the Al-Shabab-controlled areas are not accessible to the aid agencies responding to the drought – for obvious security reasons – many relief agencies opt to send money through mobile money remittance services. In HirShabelle state, a recent report suggested that mobile money remittances intended for drought stricken and internally displaced people (IDP) in Mahaday town, Middle Shabelle region, were mismanaged. In Jubaland’s Gedo region, IDPs on the outskirt of Doolow were dying of starvation while the Farmaajo administration was sending in weapons and ammunition to use against the state security forces.
Corruption even seeped into the Ministry of Religion and Endowments during this year’s annual Hajj. The ministry awarded Hajj contracts to travel agents connected to senior ministry officials. This kind of corruption – misusing resources intended to allow Somalis to fulfill one of the five pillars of Islam – shows the depth of moral degradation caused by government corruption. Additionally, Somaliland – with an estimated population over four million – was appropriated only 350 slots out of the 5,206 given to Somalia by Saudi Arabia.Somaliland’s Ministry of Religious Affairs protested against Mogadishu’s action but its complaints were ignored. Somaliland, in response, decided to boycott this year’s Hajj.
In most Somali branches of government, whether at the federal or the state level, the desire for personal and political gain all too often trumps civil servants’ obligations to the citizenry they are supposed to be working for. According to Transparency International’s 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index, Somalia was tied with Syria in second-to-last-place (which, admittedly, was a minor improvement from the year before, when it was tied for last place). Every year, millions of dollars of tax collected from poor people and donor funds for development are misappropriated and looted through any number of corruption schemes: unnecessary travel reimbursements, double-dipping salaries, unbidden procurement practices, and the hiring of well connected family members. HSM and his administration urgently need to tackle the malignant cancer of corruption. An excellent place to start is the selection of the ministerial cabinet and new security sector leadership.
The Somali Wire Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
In social psychology, the term "desperation conundrum" refers to a psychological paradox wherein an acute, extreme, or severe need for an objective inadvertently impedes its attainment. This occurs because an intense sense of urgency frequently drives choices and behaviours that alienate the very outcome that is so desperately sought.
Somalia’s contemporary political trajectory is profoundly defined by the month of October. Within the Somali collective consciousness, October is not merely another page on the calendar; it is the recurring crucible of political upheaval, tragedy and systemic transformation.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has since 10 October been deploying National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) forces, specifically the little-known Public Protection Forces (Ilaalada Shacabka / People’s Protection Forces), in Wadajir. This mobilisation is concentrated close to the home of ex-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed – a development widely criticised by many Somalis as provocative. Some interpret the build-up as a prelude, possibly, to some form of armed action against the former president and leader of the opposition Somali Future Council, amid uncorroborated media reports that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has used Abgaal clan elders to relay an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Sharif and other opposition figures.
It’s been a bruising week for the Somali Federal Government (FGS), headed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose constitutional term of office expired in May this year. Yesterday, forces aligned with the administration of Jubaland peacefully took control of the strategic border town of Beled Haawo in Somalia’s Gedo region – a lucrative customs post for trade and transit with Kenya. Roughly 1,000 Daraawiish paramilitaries loyal to Abdirashid Hassan Janan – a fickle politician who is notorious for changing sides in a volatile region – reportedly deployed across key sites in the town following negotiations with the previous local administration.
Plans are intensifying within Hiiraan to establish an autonomous "Hiiraan State." This development reflects deep-seated regional and clan cleavages reasserting themselves in local politics, set against the backdrop of a stalled federal process, a breakdown in talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) and the opposition Somalia Future Council (SFC), and an unravelling Somali federation.
Nearly a month has passed since a powerful blast destroyed the home of General Mahad, widely known as Taliye Shub, in Doolow, a political dissident who opposed the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.
On 5 September, Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro arrived in the United States for an informal working visit designed to launch a new diplomatic push to cement Hargeisa's rising geopolitical profile. Monitored closely both regionally and internationally, the high-stakes trip carries immense domestic expectations. It represents an ambitious diplomatic outreach by Hargeisa to Washington, capitalising on the momentum generated by Israel's formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. However, translating this sudden diplomatic visibility into tangible strategic prospects remains a formidable challenge.
Turkey yesterday crossed a perilous threshold in Somalia when it used its military air assets not for counterterrorism purposes but as a partisan tool in local Somali political warfare.