The Somali government’s culture of corruption – a clear and present danger
Somalia is currently experiencing the worst drought in a generation. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s (HSM) foremost priorities seem to be the drought and the return of the missing soldiers from Eritrea. While he is right to put these acute crises at the top of his agenda, the chronic quandary of government corruption also poses an existential threat to Somalia’s security, economy, and society. Perhaps because it has existed for decades, with little change, Somalia’s culture of corruption has become entrenched and generally accepted as unavoidable. This has allowed the government to ignore the problem, even as it perpetuates it. Meanwhile, it is increasingly clear that the impunity with which government officials engage in bribery and looting cannot be separated from other afflictions, which corruption tends to aggravate. For example, some of the taxes and donations intended for the neediest Somalis have been siphoned off by unscrupulous government officials.
Government corruption also perpetuates inequality and creates discontent among poor and marginalized people, which sustains violent extremist organisations such as Al-Shabaab. As Austrian Economist Ludwig Mises famously said, “There is no more dangerous menace to civilization than a government of incompetent, corrupt, or vile men.” Government corruption is an endemic, insidious threat that HSM needs to address immediately.
The recent Somali election was the most corrupt, non-transparent, and expensive one in the nation’s recent history. Many of the elected/selected members of parliament (MPs) pledged their votes to the highest bidder – regardless of who they ultimately cast their ballots for. Additionally, most of these MPs hope to become cabinet ministers in the new administration. Similarly, some senators have recently expressed their interest in government posts, claiming that no law prevents them from entering the cabinet, like their counterparts in the lower house of parliament. Farmaajo, in order to avoid accountability and to discourage the legislative body from a no-confidence motion, had selected most of his cabinet ministers from among house MPs. These ministers then double-dipped when it came to salaries and other perks. To form an effective and accountable government, HSM needs to keep three branches of government separate.
The recent hearing of the FGS House of the People (HoP) Finance Sub-Committee and the federal Minister of Finance, Abdirahman Duale Beyle, shed little light on this issue. Instead of directly answering the committee’s questions, Minister Beyle chose to ridicule the deputy speaker of the HoP, Sa’adiya Yasin Samatar, and gave ambiguous answers about loans provided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under President Farmaajo. He couldn’t say if the funds were a loan that required repayment or were instead grants. Previously, when Beyle was summoned to the Auditor General’s office, he refused to appear unless the Attorney General went with him. It suggested that he had something to hide. The Auditor General subsequently accused Beyle of knowingly and intentionally hiring three federal employees who were receiving salaries from another federal institution. And not just salaries; they also received various perks from Ministry of Finance programs.
The HoP didn’t receive three of the last five years’ audited budgets and financial statements for both houses of the legislators, but nevertheless approved an unprecedented $918.7 million budget for the forthcoming year. The HoP Financial Sub-Committee needs to investigate the Ministry of Finance and bring to justice anyone found guilty of any criminal acts or intentional and willful misappropriation of government funds or resources, not proceed with ‘business as usual.'
Somalia’s Federal Member States (FMSs) have hardly been immune from the scourge of official corruption, either. For example, last month, the Puntland Ministry of Health realized that it was missing 300 cartons of Plumpy’Nut, a ready-to-use therapeutic food. The intended recipients were children suffering from severe acute malnutrition. But Puntland failed to protect or deliver this essential life-saving food, which may have cost lives. Not one government employee was disciplined, lost their job, or was criminally charged for this heinous crime.
Since some of the Al-Shabab-controlled areas are not accessible to the aid agencies responding to the drought – for obvious security reasons – many relief agencies opt to send money through mobile money remittance services. In HirShabelle state, a recent report suggested that mobile money remittances intended for drought stricken and internally displaced people (IDP) in Mahaday town, Middle Shabelle region, were mismanaged. In Jubaland’s Gedo region, IDPs on the outskirt of Doolow were dying of starvation while the Farmaajo administration was sending in weapons and ammunition to use against the state security forces.
Corruption even seeped into the Ministry of Religion and Endowments during this year’s annual Hajj. The ministry awarded Hajj contracts to travel agents connected to senior ministry officials. This kind of corruption – misusing resources intended to allow Somalis to fulfill one of the five pillars of Islam – shows the depth of moral degradation caused by government corruption. Additionally, Somaliland – with an estimated population over four million – was appropriated only 350 slots out of the 5,206 given to Somalia by Saudi Arabia.Somaliland’s Ministry of Religious Affairs protested against Mogadishu’s action but its complaints were ignored. Somaliland, in response, decided to boycott this year’s Hajj.
In most Somali branches of government, whether at the federal or the state level, the desire for personal and political gain all too often trumps civil servants’ obligations to the citizenry they are supposed to be working for. According to Transparency International’s 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index, Somalia was tied with Syria in second-to-last-place (which, admittedly, was a minor improvement from the year before, when it was tied for last place). Every year, millions of dollars of tax collected from poor people and donor funds for development are misappropriated and looted through any number of corruption schemes: unnecessary travel reimbursements, double-dipping salaries, unbidden procurement practices, and the hiring of well connected family members. HSM and his administration urgently need to tackle the malignant cancer of corruption. An excellent place to start is the selection of the ministerial cabinet and new security sector leadership.
The Somali Wire Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Today marks exactly two months since Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) unveiled his unilateral one-year term extension. While it is too early to draw definitive conclusions, HSM has evidently survived, rebounded, and consolidated power in ways that defy earlier predictions. A leader whom many had been wont to dismiss as too tarnished to retain executive power beyond May 2026 remains firmly in the saddle, holding the political initiative and dictating terms. His opponents, meanwhile, are in deep disarray. Their cohesion is fracturing, they lack a coherent, unified strategy, and they are locked in a dialogue of attrition designed to wear down their will and force their capitulation.
The Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was hailed as a historic breakthrough. In reality, it was a strategic gamble built on contradictions—and its apparent failure may prove to be a blessing in disguise for Somaliland and Ethiopia.
For the first time in over six decades, Somalia has overhauled its foundational criminal law - the 1962 Law No. 5. Now awaiting parliamentary and presidential approval, the Draft Somali Penal Code (SPC) nonetheless struggles with multiple hurdles and will likely face significant objection, not least, from Somalia’s Western partners and liberal-minded younger generation of Somalis disappointed with the new text’s failure to break away from its historical illiberal roots.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has published a new Draft Somalia Penal Code (SPC) - marking its first comprehensive legal overhaul in 64 years. The 136-page draft was first submitted to Parliament in January 2026 and underwent its first reading but the process of endorsing it became entangled with the escalating electoral and constitutional dispute, forcing the government to shelve it. The changes aim to update the 1962 Law No. 5 Penal Code and codify Islamic criminal law (uqubat). If endorsed by parliament and approved by the President, they will formally embed the three pillars of the Sharia punitive framework into the statute - fixed punishments (hudud), retributive justice (qisas), and statutory judicial discretion (ta'zir).
Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.
Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.
While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.
Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.
Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.