Issue No. 237

Published 04 Jun 2024

Another ENDF Offensive in the Amhara Region

Published on 04 Jun 2024 16:32 min

Another ENDF Offensive in the Amhara Region

Intense fighting has resumed between the disparate Fano factions and the Ethiopian federal government in the Amhara region. Since 19 May, anticipating the government's deployment of thousands of Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) troops for another large-scale offensive ahead of the rainy season, several Fano factions have sought to secure strategic positions. In particular, the Gojjam, Wollo, and Gondar factions have engaged in heavy clashes with ENDF units in the past two weeks. These Fano militias have continued to target the security and political apparatus of the federal and regional governments, carrying out ambushes on prisons and ENDF convoys, as well as bombings targeting Prosperity Party offices.

On 1 June, the state of emergency (SoE) within the Amhara region was scheduled to end, having been extended for four months by the federal parliament in early February 2024. Yet 10 months after the SoE's initial designation in August 2023, the Fano movement is still far from being defeated. Indeed, the government's militarised response to the Amhara nationalist insurgency has so far proven unable to comprehensively weaken the largely decentralised forces. The federal government's latest offensive aims to undermine the Fano movement's military capacity and subsequently force them into negotiations from a weakened position.

Yet despite months of near-continuous military operations, few Fano commanders have been killed since August 2023. Significant nationalist figures remain at large, including the former journalist and politician Eskinder Nega, who has pledged his armed militia to the Fano cause-- renaming his Amhara Popular Front to the Amhara People's Fano Front in 2023. Though a significant degree of consolidation within and between the Fano factions is still ongoing, a schism between Fano factions in North Shewa, where Nega is reportedly hiding out, and the powerful Gojjam Fano faction, led by Zemene Kasse, is also widening. This split has only deepened, following the call by US Ambassador Ervin Massinga for a nationwide ceasefire and political negotiations.  Nega's faction is believed to support participation in talks after the formation of a more unified Fano faction to represent the Amhara has taken place, while Zemene, whose forces hold the military advantage, remains firmly opposed to any negotiations.

The two men also symbolise different elements of the Fano movement, with Nega retaining robust ties to the Amhara diaspora while Zemane Kasse is viewed as the 'true leader' of the Fano movement by the militarily dominant Gondar, Wollo, and Gojjam factions. With this schism widening despite Amhara diaspora efforts to mediate between the two groups, there is a chance of armed conflict erupting between these rival factions, particularly between the Gojjam Fano led by Kasse and another Gojjam Fano militia force led by Masresha Sete.

The militarised response to the Amhara insurgency by federal forces shows little sign of abating—with the rounding up of Amhara civilians continuing amidst the launching of yet another wide-scale offensive. Reports continue to surface of summary executions of young men in the Amhara region and large-scale detentions of ethnic Amhara, particularly in the regional capital. There have been repeated accusations of indiscriminate government drone use and airstrikes in the targeting of Fano militants. Groups of young men have been struck by munitions— leading to incidents in February 2024, in which several dozen civilians were reportedly killed in a single strike, and on 12 May, when two separate strikes in North Shewa resulted in several civilian deaths alongside the deaths of Fano militants.

In turn, pro-Fano Amhara diaspora voices have continued to weaponise the ENDF's heavy-handed approach to frame it as an Oromo vehicle of oppression. Videos with often dubious authenticity are being widely circulated to depict the surrender of 'Oromo ENDF' alongside assertions that the army has been fighting alongside 'Oromo terrorists'—the insurgent Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). With many former Amhara Special Forces having defected to Fano in the past 12 months and the Tigrayan contingent of the ENDF having been purged since November 2020, Addis has relied heavily on recruitment from Oromia. Of the nearly 30,000 new troops recently deployed to West Gojjam, Dessie town, and Debre Berhan, many are former Oromia Special Force members who have been incorporated into the ENDF. The OLA and the Ethiopian army, however, remain at loggerheads in the Oromia region, with few signs of a third round of peace talks on the horizon.

As clashes continue to escalate across much of the region, the ENDF is facing an uphill struggle in its bid to strike a knockout blow on Fano. Many of the government troops are exhausted, having been deployed to the Amhara region for months on end, and are facing experienced former Amhara special forces who defected to Fano. Perhaps most critically, by essentially forcing a binary choice on Amhara communities between the ENDF and the Fano militias—many will likely side with the latter, particularly considering their social-familial ties to the Amhara nationalist forces. While Fano factions differ significantly in terms of personnel, weaponry, leadership structure and even ideological outlook, nearly all are rooted within their own communities.

The coming weeks may prove decisive in terms of the trajectory of any future peace talks. If Addis is unable to subdue the Gojjam, Wollo, and Gondar Fano factions, it may be forced to deal with the Fano movement on terms similar to those of the OLA and the Tigrayan forces. Whether the schism within the Fano fully ruptures will also inform whether the decentralised nationalist movement continues its insurgent campaign or splinters into two broader factions that pursue different paths. All the while, weary civilians in the Amhara region will bear the brunt of the escalating violence in the coming weeks.

By the Ethiopian Cable team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Issue No. 953
A Coronation in Mogadishu – How Clans Stormed the Citadel
The Somali Wire

Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.


21:22 min read 27 Apr
Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Scroll