Issue No. 225

Published 12 Mar 2024

The Battle of Adwa: A Pivotal Colonial Encounter Shaping History

Published on 12 Mar 2024 15:34 min

The Battle of Adwa: A Pivotal Colonial Encounter Shaping History

The 128th commemoration of the Battle of Adwa was marked in Ethiopia on 2 March amidst grand celebrations and the inauguration of the Adwa Museum, one of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's grand projects. The historical narrative of the Battle of Adwa, a cornerstone of Ethiopian heritage, often sparks debate among Ethiopians regarding the pivotal figures in the victory. Despite the grandeur of the festivities, which underscore the triumph of an African force over a European one, the harsh reality of ongoing internal conflicts cast a shadow over them. Further complicating the historical narrative of Adwa is the plight of the Eritrean askari--regular colonial army soldiers-- captured in battle. These African combatants, aligned with the opposing Italian forces, faced egregious persecution at the hands of the Italian military and the Ethiopian government.

During the Battle of Adwa, approximately 8,000 askari engaged in combat. Among them, some 2,000, mostly Eritreans, lost their lives, a staggering 25% casualty rate. In the grim aftermath of the battle, some 800 survivors were liberated from Ethiopian captivity, but only after being subjected to the brutal amputation of their right hands and left feet, a fate that underscores the battle's dark legacy. Despite these atrocities, some 300 survivors returned to Asmara. On the Italian side, 20,000 soldiers were involved in the fighting, with some 4,800 (24%) succumbing in the battle.

Medical professionals who provided care for the wounded at a hospital in Asmara detailed their observations in a report published by the British Medical Journal in August 1896. These accounts describe how victims, subjected to the severing of limbs, were left to fend for themselves, facing the risk of bleeding to death. Survival was possible only for those who managed to stem the bleeding using their own clothing, often a futah (East African Loincloth). A similar form of mutilation applied to thieves was accompanied by the cauterization of wounds with boiling butter to prevent blood loss. However, individuals deemed as 'traitors'—those accused of collaborating with the invading Italian forces—were denied this mercy. Remarkably, the resilience and determination of wives, who often carried their injured husbands for miles played a crucial role in saving many lives. Survivors were then transported to the closest Italian outpost for medical treatment.

In comparison, while a small number of Italian captives also suffered mutilation, including the removal of genitalia, the majority were spared from serious harm. The 1896 medical journal report noted that Ethiopia’s Emperor Menelik II was against mutilation. Nonetheless, significant figures around him, including his wife Taitu, the current Abune (Patriarch), and Tigrayan leader Ras Mengesha Yohannes, son of Emperor Yohannes IV, advocated for this punishment. Execution of such extreme punitive measures was carried out at the Abba Gerima Monastery near Adwa. This episode of brutality cast a long shadow over the relationship between Eritrea and Tigray (and Ethiopia) for generations to come.

On the anniversary of the Battle of Adwa in 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed remarked on Ethiopia's generous act of pardoning and releasing Italian prisoners in 1896, but did not address the suffering endured by the Eritrean askari, who were victims of both Italian colonialism and past Ethiopian cruelty. The askari, who were predominantly Eritrean, were essential to the Italian colonial military, and highly valued as capable fighters. In addition to Eritreans, individuals from various Ethiopian ethnic groups also served in Italy’s colonial army. At one time, in Libya, Italy’s force included some 4,000 Eritreans, as well as another 4,000 from Ethiopia and a smaller number from Sudan, all of whom had been recruited and trained in Eritrea.

Until the early 1930s, joining the Italian colonial army was voluntary. However, once enlisted, Eritrean soldiers were required to serve abroad if called on to do so. Those deployed to Libya received double their standard pay. An early group of Eritrean soldiers was sent to Somalia in 1907, followed by a battalion dispatched to Libya in early 1912. Overall, Eritrean colonial forces were known for their loyalty and their effectiveness. From 1936 to 1941, nearly all 60,000 Eritrean colonial soldiers served outside their homeland. Families of Eritrean soldiers who perished in Libya or Ethiopia were compensated with a mere two months' pay. A recent publication "Il coragio degli ascari" by Vito Zita, named 19,098 individuals, primarily Eritreans, who were awarded for bravery during their service to the Italian army. But the exact number of Eritreans who were injured or lost their lives while fighting for Italy remains unknown.

In, a May 2017 interview with Eritrean TV, President Isaias Afeworki made the controversial claim that there had been no Italian colonialism in Africa, attributing the occupations of Libya, Ethiopia, and Somalia to the 150,000 Eritreans recruited by Italy alone. During a recent trip to Italy for the Italy-Africa Summit in January 2024, a visit he prioritized over attending an IGAD summit and an AU summit that followed, Isaias belatedly raised questions concerning the roster of Eritrean soldiers who had been enlisted in the Italian military. Interestingly, that moment highlighted the need for Eritreans and Ethiopians to reconcile some of their historical narratives, and draw lessons from their past to forge a path towards peace and goodwill between them.

No other battle resonates historically quite like the Battle of Adwa, with its deep resonance and contested political ramifications. Elites often invoke the Battle of Adwa to mobilise their constituencies, but it could also serve not as a divisive event, but rather one that fosters unity and solidarity across the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia.

By the Ethiopian Cable team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 966
A New Spring in His Step: How HSM Engineered His Rebound
The Somali Wire

Today marks exactly two months since Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) unveiled his unilateral one-year term extension. While it is too early to draw definitive conclusions, HSM has evidently survived, rebounded, and consolidated power in ways that defy earlier predictions. A leader whom many had been wont to dismiss as too tarnished to retain executive power beyond May 2026 remains firmly in the saddle, holding the political initiative and dictating terms. His opponents, meanwhile, are in deep disarray. Their cohesion is fracturing, they lack a coherent, unified strategy, and they are locked in a dialogue of attrition designed to wear down their will and force their capitulation.


24:38 min read 16 Jul
Issue No. 965
The Somaliland-Ethiopia MoU: Ethiopia Missed a Milestone While Somaliland Avoided a Historic Mistake
The Somali Wire

The Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was hailed as a historic breakthrough. In reality, it was a strategic gamble built on contradictions—and its apparent failure may prove to be a blessing in disguise for Somaliland and Ethiopia.


6:03 min read 10 Jul
Issue No. 964
Part II/The Human Rights Deficit in Somalia's New Penal Code
The Somali Wire

For the first time in over six decades, Somalia has overhauled its foundational criminal law - the 1962 Law No. 5. Now awaiting parliamentary and presidential approval, the Draft Somali Penal Code (SPC) nonetheless struggles with multiple hurdles and will likely face significant objection, not least, from Somalia’s Western partners and liberal-minded younger generation of Somalis disappointed with the new text’s failure to break away from its historical illiberal roots.


16 min read 08 Jul
Issue No. 963
Part I/The Fault Lines in Somalia’s Penal Reform
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has published a new Draft Somalia Penal Code (SPC) - marking its first comprehensive legal overhaul in 64 years. The 136-page draft was first submitted to Parliament in January 2026 and underwent its first reading but the process of endorsing it became entangled with the escalating electoral and constitutional dispute, forcing the government to shelve it. The changes aim to update the 1962 Law No. 5 Penal Code and codify Islamic criminal law (uqubat). If endorsed by parliament and approved by the President, they will formally embed the three pillars of the Sharia punitive framework into the statute - fixed punishments (hudud), retributive justice (qisas), and statutory judicial discretion (ta'zir).


16:49 min read 03 Jul
Issue No. 129
Centring North Eastern Kenya - The Rise Of Kenya's Ethnic Somalis
The Horn Edition

A president does not pay a visit to Wajir by accident. When William Samoei Ruto chose Wajir as the centre stage for Kenya’s Madaraka Day celebrations on 1 June — the first sitting president to do so — he was not merely varying the ceremonial calendar. He was making a premeditated statement about who belongs at the centre of Kenya’s state and who no longer belongs at its margins. The message was not merely ‘taking Nairobi to NorthEastern.’ It was the centring and mainstreaming of an ethnic Somali-dominated region that, for much of Kenya’s post-colonial history, has been treated as a security issue rather than a political constituency.


28:45 min read 26 Jun
Issue No. 962
Somaliland’s Recognition Angst
The Somali Wire

Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.


22:37 min read 24 Jun
Issue No. 961
Deciphering Al-Shabaab's Radio Silence
The Somali Wire

Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.


20 min read 17 Jun
Issue No. 960
The Galmudug Vote – The Next Powder Keg
The Somali Wire

While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.


7:13 min read 10 Jun
Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Scroll