Issue No. 225

Published 12 Mar 2024

The Battle of Adwa: A Pivotal Colonial Encounter Shaping History

Published on 12 Mar 2024 15:34 min

The Battle of Adwa: A Pivotal Colonial Encounter Shaping History

The 128th commemoration of the Battle of Adwa was marked in Ethiopia on 2 March amidst grand celebrations and the inauguration of the Adwa Museum, one of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's grand projects. The historical narrative of the Battle of Adwa, a cornerstone of Ethiopian heritage, often sparks debate among Ethiopians regarding the pivotal figures in the victory. Despite the grandeur of the festivities, which underscore the triumph of an African force over a European one, the harsh reality of ongoing internal conflicts cast a shadow over them. Further complicating the historical narrative of Adwa is the plight of the Eritrean askari--regular colonial army soldiers-- captured in battle. These African combatants, aligned with the opposing Italian forces, faced egregious persecution at the hands of the Italian military and the Ethiopian government.

During the Battle of Adwa, approximately 8,000 askari engaged in combat. Among them, some 2,000, mostly Eritreans, lost their lives, a staggering 25% casualty rate. In the grim aftermath of the battle, some 800 survivors were liberated from Ethiopian captivity, but only after being subjected to the brutal amputation of their right hands and left feet, a fate that underscores the battle's dark legacy. Despite these atrocities, some 300 survivors returned to Asmara. On the Italian side, 20,000 soldiers were involved in the fighting, with some 4,800 (24%) succumbing in the battle.

Medical professionals who provided care for the wounded at a hospital in Asmara detailed their observations in a report published by the British Medical Journal in August 1896. These accounts describe how victims, subjected to the severing of limbs, were left to fend for themselves, facing the risk of bleeding to death. Survival was possible only for those who managed to stem the bleeding using their own clothing, often a futah (East African Loincloth). A similar form of mutilation applied to thieves was accompanied by the cauterization of wounds with boiling butter to prevent blood loss. However, individuals deemed as 'traitors'—those accused of collaborating with the invading Italian forces—were denied this mercy. Remarkably, the resilience and determination of wives, who often carried their injured husbands for miles played a crucial role in saving many lives. Survivors were then transported to the closest Italian outpost for medical treatment.

In comparison, while a small number of Italian captives also suffered mutilation, including the removal of genitalia, the majority were spared from serious harm. The 1896 medical journal report noted that Ethiopia’s Emperor Menelik II was against mutilation. Nonetheless, significant figures around him, including his wife Taitu, the current Abune (Patriarch), and Tigrayan leader Ras Mengesha Yohannes, son of Emperor Yohannes IV, advocated for this punishment. Execution of such extreme punitive measures was carried out at the Abba Gerima Monastery near Adwa. This episode of brutality cast a long shadow over the relationship between Eritrea and Tigray (and Ethiopia) for generations to come.

On the anniversary of the Battle of Adwa in 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed remarked on Ethiopia's generous act of pardoning and releasing Italian prisoners in 1896, but did not address the suffering endured by the Eritrean askari, who were victims of both Italian colonialism and past Ethiopian cruelty. The askari, who were predominantly Eritrean, were essential to the Italian colonial military, and highly valued as capable fighters. In addition to Eritreans, individuals from various Ethiopian ethnic groups also served in Italy’s colonial army. At one time, in Libya, Italy’s force included some 4,000 Eritreans, as well as another 4,000 from Ethiopia and a smaller number from Sudan, all of whom had been recruited and trained in Eritrea.

Until the early 1930s, joining the Italian colonial army was voluntary. However, once enlisted, Eritrean soldiers were required to serve abroad if called on to do so. Those deployed to Libya received double their standard pay. An early group of Eritrean soldiers was sent to Somalia in 1907, followed by a battalion dispatched to Libya in early 1912. Overall, Eritrean colonial forces were known for their loyalty and their effectiveness. From 1936 to 1941, nearly all 60,000 Eritrean colonial soldiers served outside their homeland. Families of Eritrean soldiers who perished in Libya or Ethiopia were compensated with a mere two months' pay. A recent publication "Il coragio degli ascari" by Vito Zita, named 19,098 individuals, primarily Eritreans, who were awarded for bravery during their service to the Italian army. But the exact number of Eritreans who were injured or lost their lives while fighting for Italy remains unknown.

In, a May 2017 interview with Eritrean TV, President Isaias Afeworki made the controversial claim that there had been no Italian colonialism in Africa, attributing the occupations of Libya, Ethiopia, and Somalia to the 150,000 Eritreans recruited by Italy alone. During a recent trip to Italy for the Italy-Africa Summit in January 2024, a visit he prioritized over attending an IGAD summit and an AU summit that followed, Isaias belatedly raised questions concerning the roster of Eritrean soldiers who had been enlisted in the Italian military. Interestingly, that moment highlighted the need for Eritreans and Ethiopians to reconcile some of their historical narratives, and draw lessons from their past to forge a path towards peace and goodwill between them.

No other battle resonates historically quite like the Battle of Adwa, with its deep resonance and contested political ramifications. Elites often invoke the Battle of Adwa to mobilise their constituencies, but it could also serve not as a divisive event, but rather one that fosters unity and solidarity across the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia.

By the Ethiopian Cable team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Issue No. 953
A Coronation in Mogadishu – How Clans Stormed the Citadel
The Somali Wire

Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.


21:22 min read 27 Apr
Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Issue No. 949
The Unravelling of Somalia's Consociational Order
The Somali Wire

On Tuesday, 14 April, the four-year term of Somalia's federal parliament ended, or rather, it didn't. Villa Somalia's (un)constitutional coup of a year-long term extension for the parliament and president in March remains in effect, leaving the institution in a kind of lingering zombie statehood. It is perhaps a fitting denouement for the 11th parliament, whose degeneration has been so thorough that its formal expiration means little in practice.


18:46 min read 17 Apr
Scroll