Issue No. 221

Published 13 Feb 2024

The Pretoria agreement revisited

Published on 13 Feb 2024 14:31 min

The Pretoria agreement revisited

Last week, for the first time since the formation of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) in March 2023, senior Tigrayan and federal officials met in Addis to discuss implementing the Pretoria agreement. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and TIA President Getachew Reda were both present at the meeting, as well as the recently re-elected Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) Chairman, Debretsion Gebremichael, among others. The meeting saw the federal and regional governments agree to fully realise the Pretoria agreement, with the expectation of further negotiations in the presence of African Union, United Nations, and US government representatives.
 
The buildup to the meeting on 9 February was acrimonious, with frustrations spilling over about the ongoing humanitarian crisis consuming Tigray and the future of occupied Western Tigray. Still, negotiations between Mekelle and Addis are long overdue. The Pretoria agreement had gaping holes and was abnormal in its structure-- being essentially an expanded upon Cessation of Hostilities Agreement. Since the conclusion of fighting in November 2022, the implementation of the deal has been irregular or entirely absent. Promises of a national dialogue and a transitional justice mechanism, among other issues, remain contested and unresolved. Most pressing of all is the continued occupation of large parts of Tigray by Amhara and Eritrean forces.
 
Since last summer, federal officials have touted the possibility of a referendum as a means to resolve the continued occupation of Western Tigray by Amhara forces, despite pushback from Tigrayan officials and internally displaced persons (IDPs). In his parliamentary question-and-answer session on 6 February, Ethiopian Prime Minister Aby Ahmed asserted that the TIA was in favour of a referendum to resolve the occupation.
 
This held little truck in Mekelle, which has increasingly pushed back against the federal government in recent weeks. Before the meeting on 9 February, TIA President Getachew Reda publicly refuted the PM's comments on several grounds in a TV interview. First, he insisted that the 1994 Constitution "is clear" that the structures for implementing and overseeing a referendum are absent, with no popular mandate for the TIA and with no regional council in Tigray. Second, the TIA president questioned how a referendum could be conducted with over a million IDPs still encamped in Tigray and unable to return to their homes. Other questions also remain, including how the ENDF might subdue the vast territory for a referendum when the Amhara nationalist militias known as 'Fano' remain deeply opposed to restoring Tigray's control over its constitutional lands. On 12 February, in a press conference in Mekelle, Getachew confirmed that the talk of a referendum was the central sticking point of the discussions. Still, the TIA president said that there was interest from both parties to deepen the fragile peace, particularly with the region so volatile.
 
In large part, the current humanitarian crisis engulfing Tigray is borne out of the Eritrean and Amhara occupation. The region has badly suffered without the fertile land of Western Tigray to provide a surplus in lean harvests. Despite new pledges by international donors, including the UK, immediate and immense humanitarian and financial support is urgently needed across Tigray. Initial fears that the World Food Programme (WFP) and USAID had slashed their distribution targets by as much as 80% have, thankfully, turned out not to be the case. The WFP and USAID-backed Joined Emergency Operation (JEOP) current food distribution cycle was 3.2 million people outside of Western Tigray for January 2024, far higher than their combined target of 970,100 for December 2023.
 
But there remain several major stumbling blocks to reaching those in urgent need of food aid. First is the continued lack of data as to where precisely the aid is needed, though there have been improvements in this in recent weeks. Second is an issue of distribution, with the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) temporarily suspended as an aid distributor for JEOP. While USAID has publicly attributed its suspension to technical problems connected to an audit, the suspension appears to be disrupting aid delivery, with WFP and JEOP reaching just 14% of their distribution target by 21 January. The nutrition response for children is also deeply lacking, with only a fraction of the necessary aid reaching the most vulnerable.
 
There is little manoeuvrability due to the scale of hunger and malnutrition. The systematic destruction of grain stores, farms, crops, factories, water pipes, and much else during the war by ENDF, Amhara and Eritrean forces destroyed the traditional social safety net in Tigray, which could, at least partially, absorb lean years from a poor harvest. But the worst drought in years, on top of the months of aid suspension, means that any delay in aid delivery will surely result in further preventable deaths.
 
With fresh talks between Addis and Mekelle expected in the coming days, there is an opportunity to reflect on the failures and possibilities of the Pretoria agreement. And with African Union and US officials present, both guarantors of the accord, there is a pressing need to ensure its implementation and restore Tigray’s control over its constitutional territory. While Addis and the international community's response to Tigray has been deeply lacking post-war, it is not too late to change course.

By the Ethiopian Cable team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll