Issue No. 217

Published 16 Jan 2024

Ethiopia's sovereign default

Published on 16 Jan 2024 15:13 min

Ethiopia's sovereign default

Ethiopia's economy staggered into the Gregorian New Year. In December 2023, the country had the dubious honour of becoming the third African nation, after Zambia and Ghana, to default on its sovereign debt in the last three years. After several years of economic downturn, a USD 33 million interest coupon payment on a USD 1 billion 10-year Eurobond proved to be the final straw. Ethiopia's failure to pay has already had major repercussions for the country's economic forecast and standing, with several international credit agencies downgrading Ethiopia in recent weeks.

This current economic frailty largely stems from severe costs of the COVID-19 pandemic and recent armed conflicts, particularly the Tigray War. Between November 2020 and December 2021, USD 22.7 billion worth of damage was done to infrastructure across Amhara, Afar, and Tigray, while another USD 6 billion was lost in productivity. Ethiopia's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) dropped from 5.9% in 2019 to 4.3% in 2022. The full scale of the infrastructure and livelihood damage from ongoing insurgencies in Amhara and Oromia is unknown but has been estimated to currently number several USD billion.

While the Pretoria agreement ended armed conflict in Tigray in November 2022, the Ethiopian economy has remained underwater. Persistently high inflation and unemployment levels barely shifted throughout 2023. In September, Ethiopia's Central Bank signalled that inflation had fallen while remaining painfully steep at 27%, with many staple food items, including teff, continuing to surge in cost. Meanwhile, unemployment has remained dogged, driven by the millions displaced across the country.

Ethiopia's external debt had climbed to USD 28.2 billion by April 2023, of which the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and Paris Club hold roughly 75%. The sovereign debt default thus came as little surprise despite federal government attempts to secure delays in debt repayments with its external creditors. It did have some success, including securing an agreement in principle with China and other creditors to restructure its USD 1 billion bond. Negotiations with the IMF for the G20's Common Framework for Debt Treatment have been ongoing since early 2021 but have been repeatedly stalled by armed conflict. The sovereign debt default may accelerate the debt restructuring process, but in the meantime, there will be high financial costs to the country.

IMF and Ethiopian officials are set to meet in the coming weeks amid speculation that Addis will be forced to devalue the Ethiopian birr to secure a bailout. The approval of the USD 3.5 billion sought from the IMF by Addis will be contingent on currency reform, with the birr currently trading at a government-managed rate of 56 ETB to the dollar, far lower than the black market rate. Limits on accessing international capital markets may also be put in place during the debt restructuring negotiations.

Last year, growing debt repayments, and costly armed conflicts, slashed Ethiopia's foreign exchange reserves and capacity to import fuel and fertilisers, whose costs have soared since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In the last fiscal year alone, Ethiopia's import costs ballooned to USD 17 billion but still proved insufficient. The lack of fertilisers and fuel in 2023 contributed to myriad problems, not least instability in the Amhara region. Impoverished Amhara farmers, unable to grow crops due to drought and fertiliser shortages, have swelled the ranks of Fano in recent months. These shortages and the punishing drought in northern Ethiopia have further propelled the massive humanitarian crisis consuming Tigray and parts of Amhara and Afar. Any currency depreciation will spike the cost of Ethiopia's imports further.

In a bid to insulate the Ethiopian economy from a likely drop in imports in 2024, the federal government is seeking to ramp up internal production of food and textiles. But much of the country's manufacturing sector lies in disarray, again hampered by instability and the lack of forex. Numerous businesses have been forced to shut in the last year, including the only foreign-owned financier, Ethio Lease. And key imports, including fuel and fertiliser, will still need to be imported, even if domestic manufacturing can be ramped up.

There can be little doubt that the general instability in much of Ethiopia is compounding a poor economic forecast. Massive infrastructure damage and loss of livelihood in three of the country's most economically significant regions means any economic reform will be hampered. The non-physical impacts of armed conflict also exact a high financial toll. A recent report into economic losses from internet shutdowns revealed that in 2023 Ethiopia lost an estimated USD 1.9 billion, the second highest globally after Russia.

Ethiopia's economic downtown can also partially explain the rationale behind the federal government's recent pursuit of sea access, and the subsequent New Year's Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland. The overwhelming majority of the country's import-export business currently runs through the Port of Djibouti, to the frustration of many Ethiopian politicians. Though likely many years in the making, an Ethiopian-owned commercial port on the Red Sea could offer significant financial benefits if it can be effectively developed and utilised.

Ethiopia is far from the only developing country forced to default on its sovereign debt in recent years, with 18 defaults in 10 countries since 2020 globally. This will be of little consolation to Addis, however, with no straightforward solutions to sovereign debt default and the global macro-economic conditions that continue to punish developing economies. Ethiopia's best chance of weathering its economic storm is to seek bailouts from the IMF and World Bank, as it is doing, and to secure peace Amhara and Oromia.
 
By the Ethiopian Cable team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 975
A Murder Most Foul – New Unrest In Hiiraan
The Somali Wire

While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.


0 min read 16 Sep
Issue No. 974
Somaliland’s Washington Push: High Stakes, Steep Hurdles
The Somali Wire

On 5 September, Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro arrived in the United States for an informal working visit designed to launch a new diplomatic push to cement Hargeisa's rising geopolitical profile. Monitored closely both regionally and internationally, the high-stakes trip carries immense domestic expectations. It represents an ambitious diplomatic outreach by Hargeisa to Washington, capitalising on the momentum generated by Israel's formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. However, translating this sudden diplomatic visibility into tangible strategic prospects remains a formidable challenge.


16:26 min read 11 Sep
Issue No. 973
Turkey's Dangerous Somalia Gambit
The Somali Wire

Turkey yesterday crossed a perilous threshold in Somalia when it used its military air assets not for counterterrorism purposes but as a partisan tool in local Somali political warfare.


5:29 min read 04 Sep
Issue No. 972
Baidoa’s Burgeoning Insurgency
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia’s (FGS) strategy to assert central authority over federal states and enforce its brand of limited plebiscite – the so-called “one-person-one-vote” (OPOV) – appears to be going awry.


22:16 min read 26 Aug
Issue No. 971
Somalia’s Polycrisis – A Tipping Point?
The Somali Wire

Delegates from Somalia's influential Darood clan family are currently gathering in Nairobi, Kenya, for a crucial "pre-conference" planning session. Driven largely by clan chiefs, the meeting is designed to formulate a unified strategy and coordinate responses to ‘fundamental issues’ (arrimo masiiri ah) within Somalia, principally centre-periphery tensions and the future of federalism. The anticipated culmination of these talks is a comprehensive Pan-Darood congress in Garowe. This development represents a rare and significant intervention, serving as a clear indicator of accelerating political polarisation and fragmentation.


23:45 min read 19 Aug
Issue No. 970
Somalia’s Reform-Induced Malfunction
The Somali Wire

Technicians and engineers have long been familiar with a paradoxical problem: how the repair of a specific defect often triggers a secondary malfunction. "Repair-induced malfunction" is a widely recognised dilemma across technical professions, with awareness and mitigation deeply woven into standard training.


20:51 min read 12 Aug
Issue No. 969
Regional States Must Secure Inclusive Political Settlement in Somalia – IGAD Official
The Somali Wire

I stand before you today with profound respect and appreciation for the sacrifices the sons and daughters of your countries have made in the AMISOM/ATMIS/AUSSOM missions to help their African brothers and sisters in Somalia fight the scourge of Al-Shabaab, open and maintain critical trade routes, and help in the state-building process of Somalia.


16:55 min read 05 Aug
Issue No. 968
Somalia: Why Transition Call Makes Sense
The Somali Wire

Somalia’s opposition - frustrated by months of stagnant dialogue - has for the first time proposed a transitional mechanism to break the country's protracted political deadlock. In an open letter addressed to a crucial extraordinary summit of African Troop and Police Contributing Countries (TPCCs) which opened on Wednesday in Kampala, the Somali Future Council (SFC) said that a new transitional governance arrangement was vital and necessary and is hoping the initiative will gain traction among regional actors who have boots on the ground and share a vested interest in a durable political settlement.


20:58 min read 30 Jul
Issue No. 967
Somaliland - The Return of the Prodigal Daughter
The Somali Wire

In a significant symbolic blow to Somali unionism, Fahiima Yusuf Quuje - a prominent Dhulbahante activist from the Jama Siyaad sub-clan who was instrumental in mobilising grassroots support for the armed insurrection in Laas Anood - late last week declared she was repudiating Somali unionism and the ‘Greater Somalia’ ideology, tendering her resignation from her regional assembly seat in the fledgling, Mogadishu-backed Northeastern State of Somalia (NES) and would be returning to Somaliland. A day after the announcement, Quuje landed at Egal International Airport in Hargeisa, where she was greeted by high-ranking dignitaries, garlanded in the Somaliland flag, and serenaded with patriotic anthems.


19:38 min read 22 Jul
Scroll