IMF Engagement with Ethiopia: A Path to economic recovery
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is evaluating Ethiopia's application for financial assistance to reconstruct its economy, which has been severely damaged by conflict, drought, and inflation. An IMF team is in Addis Ababa undertaking technical work in preparation for an IMF-supported program in Ethiopia. Current conversations with Ethiopian officials are focused on reform plans, and measures to help Ethiopia address its greatest challenges. Discussions have primarily focused on standard monetary policy issues the IMF has asked Ethiopia to address, such as managing exchange rates and foreign currency reserves, controlling inflation, and maintaining financial stability. The potential program would support the government’s Homegrown Economic Reform (HGER) program and help Ethiopia stabilize its economy.
The IMF has resumed its relationship with Ethiopia at a time when the government is attempting to raise funding for the nation's recovery and launch the second HGER. This second iteration is expected to cost USD 10 billion. But Ethiopian Finance Minister Ahmed Shide says that USD 20 billion will be required for a recovery program to rehabilitate war-torn Tigray, as well as parts of the Afar and Amhara regions.
The HGER, an economic reform strategy unveiled by the Ethiopian government in late 2019, aspires to unleash the nation's growth potential and catapult it toward becoming a symbol of African wealth by 2030. The initiative is based primarily on macroeconomic, structural, and sectoral reforms aimed at stabilizing the economy, lowering inflation, addressing scarcity in foreign currency, and boosting the competitiveness of priority sectors including agriculture, manufacturing, information, communications and technology, mining, and tourism. The stated goals of these reforms are poverty reduction and inclusive growth.
In 2019, the IMF obtained a staff-level agreement to approve a USD 2.9 billion loan for Ethiopia as part of a program to offer a balance of payments support for its cash-strapped economy, and technical assistance for the HGER, pending board approval. The loan was suspended, however, following the outbreak of war in Tigray. Ethiopia's Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and Extended Credit Facility (ECF) were also phased out at that time.
IMF's re-engagement with Ethiopia follows a cessation of hostilities agreement (COHA) between the federal government of Ethiopia and the Tigrayan regional government. The IMF has said it welcomes Ethiopia’s progress towards restoring lasting peace and stability through the “cessation of hostilities agreement” and that implementation is progressing, including the restoration of humanitarian assistance and basic services to Tigray.
Prior to resuming direct economic assistance to the Ethiopian government, the US, the largest shareholder in the IMF, and the EU have stated that three conditions must be satisfied. The first two are the cessation of hostilities, and aid to Tigray. The third is accountability for human rights violations. A ceasefire agreement negotiated in November 2022 has brought an end to hostilities and allowed some relief to reach parts of the region. In accordance with the Ethiopian Constitution and the African Union's Transitional Justice Policy Framework, the COHA also calls for "a comprehensive national transitional justice policy aimed at accountability, establishing the truth, redress for victims, reconciliation, and healing." Much more work is needed on this front.
The government has made some progress, and it is anxious for donors to return to assist in the recovery of the war-devastated economy. In September 2022, the Ministry of Justice released a discussion paper presenting options for transitional justice. This explored numerous approaches to transitional justice, including the formation of a specialized "truth and reconciliation commission," the construction of a special prosecutor's office, and the use of existing institutions. But it dismissed the idea of an ad hoc international tribunal as "neither desirable nor practical." There are serious concerns about the transparency of transitional justice if it is left in the government's hands.
There is no doubt that IMF assistance can boost Ethiopia's economy, which has been severely hit by a variety of shocks, including 6 years of drought. The net impact of these shocks has been a host of economic problems, including rising inflation, a currency crisis, a widening balance-of-payments crisis, and an increasing burden of external debt. A spike in unemployment, food insecurity, and severe shortages of essential goods have exacted a catastrophic socioeconomic and political toll on Ethiopia that must be well and properly addressed. In conclusion, the International Monetary Fund's engagement with Ethiopia provides hope for the country's economic recovery. With the proper implementation of reform measures, Ethiopia can overcome its economic challenges and achieve inclusive growth and poverty reduction.
By the Ethiopian Cable team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Every political system generates its own distinctive catchphrases, slogans, and metaphors, and Somalia is no exception. Indeed, the administration of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has proven to be one of the country's most prolific creators of political branding. Among the most notable was the aspirational slogan "Soomali heshiis ah dunida naheshiis la ah" (Somalia at peace with itself and with the world). Always more ideal than reality, the phrase now rings hollow at a time when the nation remains deeply fractured internally and relations with regional neighbours have grown increasingly frosty. Similarly, the Simón Bolívar-style moniker "Dal xoreeye" (The Liberator) feels intensely contradicted by reality as significant swathes of the country risk reverting to Al-Shabaab control. Other slogans, such as "Birmade" and "Dan Qaran", have likewise been quietly discarded.
Ethiopia’s leaders are fighting a new war with an old conviction: that military victory can permanently settle the question of who owns the state. But the coalition that encircled Tigray in 2020 has fractured, the regional balance has shifted, and drone capabilities are spreading to the government’s opponents. The battlefield looks familiar, but the strategic conditions are profoundly different. The danger lies in mistaking the temporary capture of territory for the resolution of deep-seated conflict, a ruinous road Ethiopia has travelled before; its towns bear the scars, and its people carry the losses.
In social psychology, the term "desperation conundrum" refers to a psychological paradox wherein an acute, extreme, or severe need for an objective inadvertently impedes its attainment. This occurs because an intense sense of urgency frequently drives choices and behaviours that alienate the very outcome that is so desperately sought.
Somalia’s contemporary political trajectory is profoundly defined by the month of October. Within the Somali collective consciousness, October is not merely another page on the calendar; it is the recurring crucible of political upheaval, tragedy and systemic transformation.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has since 10 October been deploying National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) forces, specifically the little-known Public Protection Forces (Ilaalada Shacabka / People’s Protection Forces), in Wadajir. This mobilisation is concentrated close to the home of ex-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed – a development widely criticised by many Somalis as provocative. Some interpret the build-up as a prelude, possibly, to some form of armed action against the former president and leader of the opposition Somali Future Council, amid uncorroborated media reports that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has used Abgaal clan elders to relay an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Sharif and other opposition figures.
It’s been a bruising week for the Somali Federal Government (FGS), headed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose constitutional term of office expired in May this year. Yesterday, forces aligned with the administration of Jubaland peacefully took control of the strategic border town of Beled Haawo in Somalia’s Gedo region – a lucrative customs post for trade and transit with Kenya. Roughly 1,000 Daraawiish paramilitaries loyal to Abdirashid Hassan Janan – a fickle politician who is notorious for changing sides in a volatile region – reportedly deployed across key sites in the town following negotiations with the previous local administration.
Plans are intensifying within Hiiraan to establish an autonomous "Hiiraan State." This development reflects deep-seated regional and clan cleavages reasserting themselves in local politics, set against the backdrop of a stalled federal process, a breakdown in talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) and the opposition Somalia Future Council (SFC), and an unravelling Somali federation.
Nearly a month has passed since a powerful blast destroyed the home of General Mahad, widely known as Taliye Shub, in Doolow, a political dissident who opposed the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.