Issue No. 846

Published 14 Jul 2025

Hospitals in Armed Conflict

Published on 14 Jul 2025 21:33 min

Hospitals in Armed Conflict

Hospitals and health clinics are generally not targeted deliberately in armed conflict because a belligerent could lose international credibility immediately and be liable for prosecution under the International Humanitarian Law. In recent years, as armed conflicts have surged and the fog of war rendered any reporting hard to verify, hospitals are increasingly becoming targets in themselves.

In Somalia, there is no hard evidence of an armed group targeting hospitals, but in July 2023 during the Laas Anood conflict, a hospital came under indirect fire and was partially destroyed. The SSC-Khatumo rebels claimed the Somaliland army was deliberating shelling the hospital. Activists cited the shelling of the hospital as evidence of ‘war crimes’ and demanded the Muse Bihi administration be taken to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. The authorities in Hargeisa denied the claims. The Somaliland Army’s use of imprecise artillery and the SSC-Khatumo rebels’ use of areas near the hospitals to launch mortar attacks certainly played a big role in transforming the hospital and its surrounding areas into an active combat zone.

Protection of medical facilities, patients and staff is a value enshrined in guidelines for conduct of war – a binding blueprint that has been signed by almost every state in the world: the Geneva Conventions. Put simply it states that all people have the right to medical treatment: civilians, children and combatants from all sides. Not only should the clinic or hospital be considered neutral and outside of the conflict, but ambulances, staff and those seeking medical care have access to the hospitals/clinics. Even your enemy should receive medical care. The principle of medical neutrality dictates that medical personnel and facilities must be allowed to care for all sick and wounded people and ensure access to care for all, regardless of their affiliation or involvement in the conflict. Sadly, we are witnessing a steady rollback of such universal values in many countries and Somalia is no exception. Many Somali doctors and nurses have fled over the past decades to more safe environments abroad. Insecurity in the health environment has forced many closures of services in Somalia since the fall of the Siyad Barre regime in 1991. They can broadly be categorised into basic groups. Failure in the aftermath of state collapse in the early 1990s led to government closure of a robust health care system. The myriads of governments since then have categorically failed to resurrect governmental health care despite billions in assistance. Therefore, the initial conflict led to a state breakdown of healthcare that almost completely was not filled by ensuing government institutions.  

Into this gap, stepped NGOs (both international and local) and private health care providers.  The insecurities they faced were different. Many security incidents were not headline driven massive military assaults. For 25 years, they fell broadly into two categories: people that had grievances about the perceived quality of care for a loved one and issues relating to internal structure (i.e. hiring of local staff). In both of these categories, international organizations and staff and local Somalis abilities to both understand their respective cultures added an accelerant to disagreements.  

Over time, Somalia’s insecurity has turned medical professionals - both foreign and local - into high-value targets. Skilled health workers have been abducted or held for ransom, transforming them into bargaining chips in a wider web of political and criminal violence. Most infamously, in April 2019, Al-Shabaab militants abducted two Cuban doctors who had been deployed to Kenya as part of a bilateral healthcare agreement. These doctors were held captive for ransom for approximately 18  months, during which the militants are believed to have exploited their medical skills to treat injured fighters and local communities in areas under their control. Fear of abduction and lack of protection have made both local and international medical personnel increasingly unwilling to work in Somalia. The international NGO footprint in the Somali medical realm is but a shadow of what it was even during the difficult contextual times in the 2000s.

Hundreds if not thousands of trained staff have left the country. The attack at the medical graduation ceremony  in December 2009,  put a generational chill in aspiring medical personnel training. A suicide bomber targeted the graduation ceremony for medical students at the Shaamo Hotel in Mogadishu. The attack  killed at least 19 people - mostly students - including the minister of Health, and injured dozens more. Government malaise has not re-invigorated the situation. Kidnapping and security incidents have crippled international medical response. But Somalia and the world continues to evolve with regards to attacks on healthcare. 

When it comes to security for medical personnel and structures, Somalia can be thankful that it has not had targeted airstrikes on medical facilities or ambulances. As the country works toward a more stable and resilient health system, past incidents should be treated not as anomalies, but as warnings. Strengthening protections for medical staff, reinforcing the neutrality of healthcare spaces, and building contingency protocols must form part of any sustainable healthcare strategy. In a context where health workers have so often been forced to operate under threat, ensuring their safety is a humanitarian imperative and is essential in rebuilding public trust in the system.

The Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 325
Dammed If They Do
The Ethiopian Cable

Why have one mega-dam when you can have three more? Details are scarce, but Ethiopia has unveiled plans to build three more dams on the Blue Nile, just a few months after the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was completed.


14:12 min read 31 Mar
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 324
A War Deferred or Avoided?
The Ethiopian Cable

War has been averted in Tigray-- for now. In early February, tens of thousands of Ethiopian federal soldiers and heavy artillery streamed northwards, readying themselves on the edges of the northernmost region for seemingly imminent conflict.


23:53 min read 24 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Scroll