Issue No. 763

Published 04 Dec 2024

The Continued Strength of Somaliland's Democracy

Published on 04 Dec 2024 15:44 min

The Continued Strength of Somaliland's Democracy

Somaliland's elections on 13 November and the weeks since have displayed the maturity and stability of its democracy once again. The manner in which the polls were conducted, the speed and grace with which outgoing President Muse Bihi Abdi conceded, and the absence of any significant disturbances have emphasised its democratic institutional strength-- despite attempts from Mogadishu and elsewhere to undermine the elections. None of the fears surrounding possible violence in the east or what would happen if particular candidates were to lose came to pass. Moreover, the ongoing peaceful transfer of power from Bihi to President-elect Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi 'Irro' further bucks the regional and global trends of democratic backsliding.

There is a strong case to be made that Somaliland has the most developed democracy in the Horn of Africa today, perhaps only behind Kenya. Ethiopia has had just two political transitions since 1990– the violent overthrowing of the Derg regime in May 1991 and the ascension of incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in 2018. Sudan's brief experiment with civilian-military rule after the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir in 2019 collapsed under pressure from the now-warring generals, with the destructive civil war ending all likelihood of a democratic dispensation in the near future. Djibouti remains fully under the control of Ismail Omar Guelleh, while Eritrea does not even bother with the veneer of democracy or elections. And to the south, Somalia is embroiled in a destabilising national constitutional and electoral crisis that threatens to engulf the country in further armed conflict. In this light, Somaliland's electoral and democratic successes are the exception-- not the rule.

There can be a brushing off of Somaliland, with its detractors dismissing it as simply a clan enclave with successful democratic elections as a side note. That does a great disservice to the years of consensus-developed progress, and Somaliland's unique hybrid combination of traditional, clan-based politics supporting its democratic institutions. For instance, it was clan elders who helped negotiate the tensions and political agreement between the outgoing Kulmiye party and Waddani after Bihi sought to extend his term over two years ago. While it is by no means perfect, the resilience of Somaliland's politics has been on full display since 13 November as every independent monitoring organisation praised the manner in which the elections were held.

The Somaliland National Electoral Commission (SLNEC) ran a highly professional campaign, which was particularly impressive considering their lack of significant external funding. Scenes of Somalilanders, young and old, men and women, lining up to peacefully exercise their democratic rights, many for the first time, were inspiring. Though more votes were cast on 13 November-- 647,863-- than in the last presidential elections in 2017, where Bihi defeated Irro, the turnout was lower, making up 53% of 1.2 million registered voters. However, this also reflects the efforts made by the SLNEC to expand voter registration across Somaliland. It was also a highly successful election for the participation of women in Somaliland's democracy, with many overseeing the smooth running of polling stations and casting their votes for their preferred candidates. The Nagaad Network-- a coalition of women's organisations in Somaliland-- is now urging Irro to appoint women to senior positions within his cabinet. Still, one lament would be the SLNEC's lack of capacity to oversee money flow from several foreign actors to political parties, which went largely undisclosed.

Though Bihi was regarded by many as a hardline figure when compared to some of his predecessors, he has been magnanimous and publicly at ease with his loss. Some may ascribe that to Irro's sizeable win, securing 63.92% of the vote, but Bihi was already signalling by the following day that he was ready to accept defeat and hand over the reigns of power. It is widely anticipated that the outgoing president will now return to his farm and spend time with his beloved camels. The break from Kulmiye and Bihi could offer the incoming administration a chance to reset relations with Somaliland's east, particularly the disenchanted Dhulbahante communities behind the unitarist SSC-Khaatumo administration. The fighting that erupted in Laas Aanood in early 2023 was likely avoidable, and there were multiple missed opportunities for negotiations with the Dhulbahante before it escalated to the circumstances today. Cooling those tensions through talks will likely be high on Irro's agenda.

Another major and near-immediate opportunity for the incoming Irro administration will be the return of US President-elect Donald Trump to the White House in January 2025. Several authors of the controversial unofficial manifesto of the incoming Trump government, Project 2025, have been handed senior positions in his upcoming administration. Somaliland's explicit name-check in Project 2025, the ad hoc and instinctive foreign policy of Trump, and the probable return of several Somaliland sympathetic officials have raised hopes in Hargeisa that US recognition may be on the horizon. And Irro now has the opportunity to be the president that brings Somaliland's recognition across the line.

The arrival of Irro into Hargeisa's Presidential Palace is more than the shift from Kulmiye to Waddani; it also marks another change in Isaaq sub-clans from majority Habar Awal to majority Habar Yonis. Irro is the first Habar Yonis Somaliland leader in three decades, and will be able to tackle some of the long-standing grievances held by the sub-clan. The administration also has the opportunity to dispel the lingering sentiments that the Habar Yonis are not quite as wedded to the cause of independence as others in Somaliland.

Yet despite the celebration of the successful elections and the democratic environment, there remains a lack of clarity on several contentious issues by the incoming administration-- most notably restarting political talks with Mogadishu and where it stands on the Ethiopia-Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding. We may not have to wait long, however, and will likely learn more about Somaliland's direction with the formation of Irro's cabinet after the inauguration in mid-December. Whether members of the Salafist Al-I'tisaam group will be rewarded will be of particular note, including those from Waddani's allied Kaah party that emerged victorious from the elections. In the meantime, Somaliland's democratic progress and yet another successful transition of power should not be taken for granted in a region increasingly blighted by polarisation, armed conflict, and democratic regression.

By the Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll