Issue No. 761

Published 29 Nov 2024

Turkey's clandestine 'space programme' in Somalia

Published on 29 Nov 2024 12:43 min

Turkey's clandestine 'space programme' in Somalia

For several years, it had been rumoured that Turkey was interested in establishing a research hub in Somalia to advance its space programme. In early 2024, Somali and international media sources reported that Ankara had already clinched a covert deal with Somalia and procured a strip of land north of Mogadishu, near the coastal town of Warsheikh, to establish a space science facility to develop and test-launch space vehicles and rockets. In November, credible reports further emerged suggesting the space programme is actually a clandestine military project to test a class of new intercontinental medium-range ballistic missiles, among them Tayfun and Cenk, developed by the part-state-owned Roketsan defence contractor.

Turkey is well-known for its advanced drone technology, particularly the Bayraktar TB2s, but its unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) superiority has been eclipsed-- at least in strategic terms-- by the fast-expanding range and lethality of Iran's ballistic missile arsenal. Tehran has supplied a vast quantity of devastating missiles and kamikaze drones to the Russian military, as well as the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), providing Mohajer-6 drones that can fly up to 2,000 km. Ankara has historically regarded Iran as its most significant regional competitor and a possible threat to its broader foreign policy ambitions. Despite a mellowing of intra-Gulf tensions in the wake of the Gaza conflict and Turkey's vocal criticism of Israel, that threat has not gone away, and the demand to compete with Iranian long-range and hypersonic missiles is now acute. There is also an additional worry for Turkey, like other Middle Eastern states, calculates Iran may already be on the cusp of becoming a nuclear-armed state.

Consequently, Turkey's interest in using its outsized leverage in the Horn state to fast-track its space/ballistic programme comes as no surprise. Due to Somalia's geographic position on the equator, rockets can be launched with maximum angular momentum, which saves on both fuels and reduces launch costs. Florida, the site of both Space X and NASA, is similarly located near the equator and, like Somalia, has a coastline that can allow for boosters to be retrieved and rockets fired into the ocean. Shortly after the election of former US President Donald Trump to the White House on 4 November, Somalia's Ambassador to the US, Dahir Hassan, met with Space X executive Michaela Pawlak. Perceived as an opportunistic photo-op due to Space X owner Elon Musk's rapid ascension as a Trump ally, Hassan offered up Somalia as a possible site for the company's expansion. 

By identifying a site(s) close to Mogadishu, Turkey is no doubt thinking about security and where it has the 'legitimacy' to operate. Ankara has over 200 special forces in Somalia, primarily protecting its Embassy in Mogadishu and its largest overseas military training base known as TURKSOM. And the raft of bilateral military agreements signed in 2024 allows Ankara to deploy more troops to Somalia. Two Turkish navy corvettes are also close by in the Indian Ocean – ostensibly proving escort for the Oruc Reis research ship exploring for oil and gas – but likely could be repurposed to provide protections to these rocket launch sites. Moreover, Ankara's drone technology superiority gives it potentially useful aerial surveillance capabilities that could be crucial for protection. Turkish drones are already conducting offensive strikes with far fewer restrictions against Al-Shabaab than their US counterparts in Somalia today.

Turkey's growing militarisation of its engagement in Somalia is not without risks, coming amid the broader securitisation trend on both sides of the Red Sea in recent years. Djibouti famously hosts a number of foreign military bases, including American, Chinese, and French, but Eritrea, too, was used as a launchpad for the invasion of Yemen by the UAE and Saudi Arabia in 2015. Gulf and Middle Eastern powers, including Turkey, are readily deploying advanced weaponry to their favoured proxies in Sudan. The possibility of Turkey wielding Somalia is the latest element of a broader ballistic arms race in the Red Sea Arena that continues to accelerate. If Turkey does decide to begin testing long-range missiles from Somalia, Israel and the UAE could well respond to their geostrategic competitor. Israeli newspaper Haaretz recently reported on Tel Aviv's growing interest in establishing a military outpost in Somaliland to counter, but not limited to, the Houthi threat from Yemen. 

Egypt is another potential adversary that may not be pleased with Turkey's purported ballistic programme in Somalia. The two Mediterranean states remain regional rivals despite a recent détente and a shared opposition to the Ethiopia-Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). European nations and fellow NATO member-states of Italy, Greece, and France are all likely to be concerned by the reports for their own reasons.

Still, it is worth exercising a degree of caution when it comes to infrastructure projects in Somalia, considering the number of ambitious developmental and military plans that have run aground on the country's political and economic realities. Where precisely Turkish support and investment is located will inevitably be fought over between Mogadishu and the government elite, who will want to secure it for their own clans and patronage networks. Other issues, such as the entrenched Al-Shabaab presence in and around Mogadishu, could further complicate any significant Turkish mission, offering up a possible attractive target for the jihadists. And the destabilising, ongoing fallout between Jubaland and Villa Somalia may yet make Ankara baulk at the prospect of investing more money and political capital into the country's federal government. Despite all this, Ankara's assertive 'Neo-Ottoman' foreign policy and aspirations of regional hegemony may override concerns about Somalia's suitability. The geopolitical competition being fought across the Red Sea by a host of powers has repeatedly won out over long-term feasibilities. Space and Somalia are just two parts of these much broader geographical, ideological, economic, and political frontiers.

By The Somali Wire Team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll