Issue No. 755

Published 15 Nov 2024

Echoes of Farmaajo in Villa Somalia's Centralising Gambit

Published on 15 Nov 2024 12:10 min
Echoes of Farmaajo in Villa Somalia's Centralising Gambit
 
The political brinkmanship over the future of Somalia's elections continues. Mediation efforts have so far failed to bridge the divide between Kismaayo and Mogadishu, as Jubaland President Ahmed Madoobe continues to organise his own regional presidential elections with support from the national opposition. Simultaneously, the federal parliamentary leadership, which has delayed recess, is proceeding with plans to table key electoral bills as well as the revised Chapters 5-9 of the Provisional Constitution. Although mounting pressure would suggest an inflexion point is nearing for the federal government, the Hassan Sheikh administration, emboldened by Turkish, Eritrean, and Egyptian support, remains uninterested in fostering broader consensus for its sweeping agenda.

A growing chorus of parliamentarians has now pledged to boycott any debates or sessions on constitutional amendments and election laws. With the support from their regional presidents, over 50 MPs and Senators from Puntland and Jubaland have promised to reject amendments to current electoral laws, insisting that the Provisional Constitution remains pre-eminent. However, with the bicameral parliamentary leadership co-opted by Villa Somalia's agenda, Speaker Adan Mohamed Nur Madobe, currently in London, appears unconcerned about these latest blows to its legitimacy. Even officials from SSC-Khaatumo, the administration that controls Laas Aanood in the Sool region and aspires to become a Federal Member State (FMS) in Somalia, have criticised the federal government's attempts to unilaterally rewrite the Provisional Constitution.

This week, the Independent Constitutional Review and Implementation Commission (ICRIC) met with civil society representatives in SSC-Khaatumo territory to discuss the proposed amendments to Chapters 5-9. ICRIC has historically been a well-regarded body perceived as technocratic and largely impartial, but the manner in which the revisions of large sections of Chapters 1-4 were approached earlier this year has diminished its credibility. Despite the gravity of the proposed changes, the absence of meaningful consultation, parliamentary debate, and consensus has undermined what was initially presented as a 'straightforward' constitutional review process. Several articles within the coming chapters may be entirely revised, such as Article 97, which vests Somalia's executive power in the Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister. If the current centralising trajectory of Villa Somalia is anything to go on, then it is highly probable that executive power will be delivered to President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud instead.

While the federal government continues full-steam with its sweeping electoral and constitutional agenda, it has not abandoned attempts to return Madoobe to the table, even while attacking the Jubaland president. A senior delegation of Kenyan diplomats travelled to Kismaayo and Mogadishu this week to meet with both Madoobe and PM Hamza Abdi Barre. But plans for the weakened Barre to visit Kismaayo fell apart when Madoobe ordered his troops to take control of the city's airport and block federal officials from entering. It is quite the about-turn that Barre– who served as chair of the Jubaland Independent Boundaries and Electoral Commission in 2019-2020– is now on the other side of the fence, seemingly unable to even travel to Jubaland. 

Indeed, the occupants of Villa Somalia were staunchly in favour of Madoobe's re-election in August 2019 when former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo attempted to deploy troops to Kismaayo and stoke unrest to unseat the long-serving Jubaland president. The latest rift between Madoobe and the federal government as he seeks to curb its excesses has also drawn in support from across the political spectrum, including from Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni and former President Sheikh Sherif Sheikh Ahmed. 

Inch-by-inch, the federal government have returned to many of the same tactics that its senior ministers were decrying just a couple of years ago. In that vein, there were reports this week that the federal government might even seek to deploy federal troops to Kismaayo via the sea to prevent elections moving forward, which would mark an extraordinary and dangerous escalation. Jubaland's Daraawiish forces, largely composed of members from the former Ras Kamboni militia and Madoobe's clan, ensure the president's near-absolute control over Kismaayo. Attempts to deploy federal troops to the port city could easily trigger serious violence.

While the Mogadishu-Kismaayo rift deepens, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen continues to play a delicate balancing act to protect his own political future. Laftagareen is now the only non-Hawiye elected member of the National Consultative Council (NCC), lending only a slither of legitimacy that Villa Somalia badly needs. Unlike Madoobe, whose administration benefits from Kismaayo's deep-sea port, Laftagareen requires largesse from Villa Somalia to sustain his political budget and patron networks. And he clearly remains averse to the prospect of holding regional presidential elections, having seized upon Mogadishu's deals of term extensions as part of the Baidoa agreement, the May 2023 NCC agreement, and now the latest pact. But Laftagareen is also aware that Ethiopian troops are essential for securing his administrative capital of Baidoa-- what happens to the Leysan-occupied territory has never been a concern for the South West State president. With the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) deployments expected to remain there for some time to come, Laftagareen may eventually be forced to pick a side if relations remain so poor between the two capitals.

Much of Laftagareen's considerable regional opposition is also frustrated, as Villa Somalia re-engaged with them in September only to insist on waiting for questionable 'one-person, one-vote' (OPOV) elections in September 2025. As Villa Somalia lambasts Madoobe for holding elections while also having his term expire, it is the federal government that has provided Laftagareen with the barest of political cover to allow him to delay votes and replace elected officials at will.

The mechanisms and checks and balances through which the Farmaajo government was forced to the table are worryingly absent today. Though the former president was able to take a sledgehammer to many of Somalia's nascent institutions, parts of parliament, former PM Mohamed Hussein Roble, and others, including belated elements of the international community, were able to pull the country back from the brink at several moments. At that time, one of the most critical and influential voices in the national opposition was President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud himself. The volte-face to the unilateral actions particularly pursued in 2024 have confused large swathes of Somalia's political establishment and country. Villa Somalia must hear the chorus of opposition against it and understand that even if it is wedded to its electoral agenda, it will go nowhere if it does not return to consensus-based politics.

The Somali Wire Team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 129
Centring North Eastern Kenya - The Rise Of Kenya's Ethnic Somalis
The Horn Edition

A president does not pay a visit to Wajir by accident. When William Samoei Ruto chose Wajir as the centre stage for Kenya’s Madaraka Day celebrations on 1 June — the first sitting president to do so — he was not merely varying the ceremonial calendar. He was making a premeditated statement about who belongs at the centre of Kenya’s state and who no longer belongs at its margins. The message was not merely ‘taking Nairobi to NorthEastern.’ It was the centring and mainstreaming of an ethnic Somali-dominated region that, for much of Kenya’s post-colonial history, has been treated as a security issue rather than a political constituency.


28:45 min read 26 Jun
Issue No. 962
Somaliland’s Recognition Angst
The Somali Wire

Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.


22:37 min read 24 Jun
Issue No. 961
Deciphering Al-Shabaab's Radio Silence
The Somali Wire

Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.


20 min read 17 Jun
Issue No. 960
The Galmudug Vote – The Next Powder Keg
The Somali Wire

While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.


7:13 min read 10 Jun
Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Scroll