Issue No. 752

Published 08 Nov 2024

Tensions Spark in Sool Before Somaliland Elections

Published on 08 Nov 2024 13:02 min
Tensions Spark in Sool Before Somaliland Elections
 
At the end of October, deadly violence flared once again between SSC-Khaatumo forces commanded by Abdi Madoobe against Habar Je'elo militia and the Somaliland army in southern Togdheer. Intermittent clashes between bordering Dhulbahante and Habar Je'elo communities are nothing new, but the presence of Madoobe– a known Al-Shabaab commander– stoking violence ahead of the joint party and presidential elections in Somaliland on 13 November raises several concerns.

Tensions in and around Laas Aanood, the city in Sool controlled by a Dhulbahante administration following the uprising in late 2022, have ebbed and flowed over recent months. To the west, on the border of Dhulbahante territory, Habar Je'elo militias have raised significant diaspora funds, arming themselves heavily and threatening conflict. There have been signs of fragmentation within the Dhulbahante as well, with Madoobe's well-armed forces in Buhoodle flexing their strength in Laas Aanood to the displeasure of the formal SSC-Khaatumo administration. Meanwhile, SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdikhadir Ahmed Aw-Ali 'Firdhiye' has courted Villa Somalia for the territory's incorporation into Somalia's federation as another Federal Member State (FMS) to the chagrin of the Al-Shabaab presence in Sool. At the same time, the highly secretive and wealthy Islamist movement Al-I'tisaam b'il Kitaab wa Sunna has sought to act as a peacemaker between some of these forces, including Al-Shabaab.

Abdi Madoobe's forces, mostly made up of Dhulbahante sub-clan Ali Gheri fighters, appear to have initiated the latest episode of violence, attacking positions in Qorilugud and Shangeed on the same day. While these are not areas with a significant Somaliland army presence, a major response was mobilised, and intense fighting followed which left dozens dead, particularly on the Madoobe side. It is unclear if these attacks were sanctioned by SSC-Khaatumo administration leadership, but the heavy losses inflicted on the forces prompted at least one Ali Gheri elder to call for an end to the violence. Among those killed on 1 November in Qorilugud was Abdigani Sulub, a deputy of Madoobe. Celebrated by Somaliland, Sulub's death also sparked another bout of drum-beating online, with pro-SSC-Khaatumo accounts pushing for a broader offensive towards the town of Eerigabo in Sanaag, which also saw nearby violence at the end of August. Yet Al-Shabaab's presence in Laas Aanood and its environs remains deeply controversial and denied by those sympathetic to the Dhulbahante's grievances against Hargeisa. Though dismissed by Madoobe, he and other senior Dhulbahante commanders in his forces have known links to Al-Shabaab and collectively have spent several months in and around Jilib in southern Somalia.

Consequently, the latest bout of violence should be understood in the history of Al-Shabaab seeking to undermine Somaliland during election periods. Notable, if intermittent, attacks in the 2000s were carried out against the polity in a bid to disrupt or delegitimise elections, but the extremist group was quietened in the polity by Somaliland security forces for much of the 2010s. Nevertheless, it continued to covertly work to exploit Dhulbahante grievances in Sool to destabilise Somaliland. Indeed, the origins of the Laas Aanood conflict partially lie in the targeted campaign of assassinations of Dhulbahante officials, politicians, and businesspeople that were furtively carried out by Al-Shabaab but ascribed to Hargeisa.

In the wake of the recent violence, Somaliland accused Mogadishu of seeking to destabilise elections and accusing it of "terror tactics" on 2 November. There are yet unconfirmed reports of ties between Somalia's federal government and the latest clashes, but it is beyond apparent that Villa Somalia has a clear interest in wielding SSC-Khaatumo to undermine both Puntland and Somaliland. The robustness of Somaliland's electoral system when compared to the contentious and unfeasible 'one-person, one-vote' plans in Somalia remains deeply uncomfortable for Mogadishu. And while the federal government may not be able to actually govern in the Sool region, it does have the potential to destabilise and has sought to do so amid the downturn in relations with Hargeisa, as well as with FMS leadership in Garowe and Kismaayo. 

With Somali National Army (SNA) operations stagnant and rather than actively combating Al-Shabaab, Villa Somalia has also instead worked to undermine Puntland and Jubaland through its security appointments of Asad Osman Abdullahi 'Diyaano' as Somali Police Chief and Jubaland's former spy chief as the new land force commander. We are yet to see how effective these destabilisation tactics may be, but in Puntland, dividing Bosasso could well complicate the launching of military operations in the Bari region against Al-Shabaab and the Islamic State-Somalia. Despite the rhetoric of defeating Al-Shabaab and liberating the country, federal officials are doing the precise opposite, enabling the jihadist group to take advantage of division and instability to covertly expand its presence. Regarding the destabilisation of Somaliland, the ugly marriage of convenience between Al-Shabaab and Mogadishu has raised its head once again.

The resurgent violence has also cast a spotlight on the feasibility of Somaliland's elections next Wednesday in the contested Sool region. The National Electoral Commission (NEC) has taken several approaches over the years to allow these Dhulbahante-majority communities to participate in the elections, including placing ballot boxes on the edge of territory where voting is uncontentious. On 13 November, voting will occur in Eerigabo and a couple of nearby districts, but it will likely be heavily curtailed in Sool, with tensions so inflamed.

The presidential elections appear to be on a knife-edge, with Waddani and Kulmiye fighting a close race. Without the gluttony of polling in the US elections, it is difficult to say who will prevail. But whoever assumes the presidency for the next term, either incumbent President Muse Bihi or Waddani's Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi 'Irro,' face an enormous task in resolving the conflict and discontent in Sool. Those in Laas Aanood, Mogadishu, and Jilib will be watching carefully.

The Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Issue No. 949
The Unravelling of Somalia's Consociational Order
The Somali Wire

On Tuesday, 14 April, the four-year term of Somalia's federal parliament ended, or rather, it didn't. Villa Somalia's (un)constitutional coup of a year-long term extension for the parliament and president in March remains in effect, leaving the institution in a kind of lingering zombie statehood. It is perhaps a fitting denouement for the 11th parliament, whose degeneration has been so thorough that its formal expiration means little in practice.


18:46 min read 17 Apr
Issue No. 125
After Three Years of War, What Is Left of Sudan?
The Horn Edition

Yesterday, 15 April, marked three years of brutal, grinding warfare between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Wholly neglected by a fading international community, many grim landmarks have been passed; another genocide in Darfur, the weaponisation of rape and starvation, another famine, or the desecration of Khartoum, El Fasher, and other major cities. And with no ceasefire or settlement in sight, the war has continued to swell, drawing in each neighbouring African country as tussling Middle Eastern powers grapple for the upper hand-- leaving Sudan in tatters.


28:01 min read 16 Apr
Issue No. 948
Somaliland's Maritime Security Dividends
The Somali Wire

As global energy markets reel from the partial shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz and war insurance premiums skyrocket by nearly 4,000%, an unlikely maritime security provider is emerging as a critical stabiliser in one of the world's most vital shipping corridors. The Somaliland Coast Guard, operating from the port city of Berbera, has quietly begun providing maritime escort services, seeking to reduce shipping insurance costs—and consequently, the price of commodities and energy for consumers across the Horn of Africa and beyond.


22:19 min read 15 Apr
Issue No. 327
The Afterlife of Swinging Addis
The Ethiopian Cable

Most nights in a number of dimly lit bars in Addis Ababa, one can hear a vibraphone hum over a syncopated bassline. The sprightly rhythm is unmistakably jazz, but the scales are Ethiopian; pentatonic, looping and melodic. Five decades after its pioneering by visionary musician Mulatu Astatke, Ethio-jazz remains in full swing, with its renaissance from the late 1990s persevering despite tough political and cultural conditions.


20:12 min read 14 Apr
Scroll