Issue No. 748

Published 28 Oct 2024

Somalia Needs Its Federal Member States

Published on 28 Oct 2024 14:08 min
Somalia Needs Its Federal Member States

At the start of his second non-consecutive term in office in 2022, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud promised to deliver federalism in Somalia. A reluctant federalist in his first term, the returning president publicly renewed his commitment to the unfulfilled model to decentralise power, reduce armed conflict, and facilitate development in the country's complex socio-political landscape. Several of his administration's most prominent goals were closely tied to federalism— including the defeat of Al-Shabaab, the finalisation of Somalia's Provisional Constitution, and democratic federal and state elections.

Today, the political and security landscape of Somalia is markedly different from those heady early months. Military progress against Al-Shabaab has been limited at best since early 2023, with crucial coordination with regional Daraawiish and the Ma'awiisley having been largely discarded. Much of the territorial successes against the extremist group in 2022 have been steadily rolled back, with communities being returned to the jihadist's grip. Nevertheless, there has been some recent limited progress in Galmudug and Middle Shabelle, where clan militia, Danaab and Gorgor special forces under the Somali National Army (SNA), and Turkish and US air support are working in tandem. It is important not to overstate these military gains, but from them, it is clear that when these forces work together with precise objectives, progress can still be made against Al-Shabaab. Replicating this support and coordination in half a dozen additional locations would be positive, but it would require genuine local and regional cooperation with the federal government to achieve this.

Yet securing this cooperation across Somalia is currently nigh-impossible amid the deepening rifts between the federal government and the leadership of the Federal Member States as well as the communities within them. The short-term incentives to individual political leaders may buy time at the National Consultative Committee (NCC), but they will not secure any decisive military victory. It is the co-opting and undermining of the NCC to consolidate, not decentralise, power in Mogadishu that has helped to drive the deepening political crisis that the federal government is still attempting to obscure. It has been used to force through amendments to Chapters 1-4 of the Provisional Consitution-- revisions dubious in both process and content. With regional leaders, barring Darood-majority Puntland and Jubaland, currently meeting in Mogadishu, Villa Somalia is seeking to use the NCC to whitewash attempts to manipulate both the timing and the nature of state-level elections.

Further, both Jubaland and South West State have strongly objected to the federal government's announced end-of-year eviction of essential Ethiopian forces from the next iteration of the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS), now known as the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), and their threatened replacement by Egyptian forces—ostensibly because of the evolving Memorandum of Understanding between Addis and Hargeisa. Since January, the accompanying rhetoric from senior federal officials in an attempt to undermine the deal has grown so toxic that it has driven political instability in multiple Somalia-Ethiopia border areas.

It seems only parts of Galmudug and Hirshabelle remain in Hassan Sheikh's camp, both politically and militarily. In fact, conservative estimates have Al-Shabaab currently controlling some 35% or more of South-Central Somalia. Without Puntland and Jubaland, the federal government only controls a fraction of the country-- but can still influence, if only negatively, large sections of it. Yet, at the same time, two and half years into Hassan Sheikh's current term, Somalia's President claims ever more dubious military, political and international successes. Somalia may have joined the East African Community, had loans forgiven and had UN arms sanctions lifted, but the majority of Somalis are still suffering from poverty, hunger, and climate catastrophes, while armed conflict and extremist control have not diminished. As Somalia steps into its temporary seat on the UN Security Council in January 2025 for two years, its international partners must truly take off the rose-coloured glasses. 

The Federal Government of Somalia has stayed afloat these past years due to the hundreds of millions of USD in military, governance, humanitarian, and development assistance from the international community. With support from the Gulf, Turkey, and Egypt increasingly challenging the objectives of this assistance, Somalia's Western partners must stand firm and unify their messaging, political support and funding to effectively aid good governance and security sector reform. The stakes couldn't be much higher.

Not only must Somalia's European and North American partners, along with the African Union, Intergovernmental Authority on Development and United Nations, coordinate themselves, they must actively engage with and support Somalia's local communities, districts and regions, as well as its Federal Member States, from the bottom up. Much of Somalia's limited, incremental state-building that has been sustained has come through engagement at this level. The rhetoric of federalism and decentralisation should not be accepted as the lip service of a re-centralising federal government-- they are the only way for Somalia to find its way past Al-Shabaab and into a democratic future.

By the Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll