Issue No. 741

Published 09 Oct 2024

UNdone: The End of UNSOM

Published on 09 Oct 2024 15:47 min

UNdone: The End of UNSOM

In May, a letter from Somalia's Foreign Minister Ahmed Moallim Fiqi to the UN Security Council (UNSC) surfaced, proposing the termination of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) when its mandate ended in October 2024. It came shortly after Catriona Laing's departure as the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General (SRSG) to Somalia and caught most by surprise. A chaotic back-and-forth followed, eventually resulting in an agreed two-year transition from a UN political office to a country one. Experienced US diplomat and former SRSG to Somalia Jim Swan has been brought back to oversee the transition.
 
From November onwards, after 11 years, UNSOM will be rebranded as the UN Assistance Transition Mission in Somalia (UNATMIS), a clear nod to the African Union peacekeeping mission also set to transition at the end of 2024. Why the federal government would want to reference the peacekeeping mission is unclear, but the end of UNSOM has been touted as the next step in Somalia's state-building trajectory. Federal officials have repeatedly asserted that now is the time to step in and assume a host of responsibilities from the UN-- and take greater control of the money that comes with it. Fiqi's initial letter that proposed UNSOM's conclusion also aligns with the broader 'Mogadishu Rising' narrative that Somalia has turned a definitive corner. Anything to the contrary is doom and gloom from naysayers looking to undermine the country.
 
The outlines of the transition by a joint UN-federal committee have been published and, while still negotiable, are revealing about the federal government's priorities. For the next two years, a quasi-political office will remain, but the central tenets of the proposed transition appear to be 1) to reduce scrutiny of the federal government and 2) to sustain the flow of financial support from the international community. A key question is whether the UN mission will retain its convening political power, with it currently allowed to involve itself in political reconciliation, even when the federal government opposes it. If this facilitatory capacity is removed, it will seriously neuter the UN mission's capacity as an independent body. Moreover, according to the document, the SRSG will hold just a single closed UNSC briefing session per year, drastically diminishing one of the central public-facing analyses of Somalia's political, security, and humanitarian situation. These briefings have rankled successive federal administrations, with Laing's perceived outspokenness at the UNSC one of the principal reasons Villa Somalia successfully lobbied against her term renewal. On the funding side, the UN will also support Somalia's federal government in accessing donor funding that aligns with its 'development priorities.'
 
According to the proposal document, the UN will continue supporting the constitutional review and electoral processes. Electorally, this will take the form of largely financial and technical assistance. Yet the constitutional review process, after years of painstaking technical support, has been co-opted at the 11th hour by Villa Somalia and used to push its radically centralising agenda. The controversial passage of the heavily revised Chapters 1-4 of the Provisional Constitution in parliament triggered Puntland's withdrawal of recognition of the federal government earlier this year. And the likelihood of Somalia's federal government conducting 'one-person, one-vote' elections of any convincing quality in the next year remains essentially zero. While the UN will likely be asked to continue footing the bill for these dubious exercises, their capacity to critique the proceedings will be diminished.
 
Other areas also highlighted for the federal government to assume control over include stabilisation, climate adaptation and resilience, and women's representation and participation, though it acknowledges it will require support from other UN agencies. Here, one can expect UN scrutiny to be diminished as well. Regarding women's representation and participation, the federal administration has shown little interest in advancing either—removing all reference to the 30% quota in politics from the Provisional Constitution and appointing a general to the renamed Ministry of Women and Human Rights Development-- now the Ministry of Family.
 
More broadly, the politicisation of development funds through the federal government should also raise alarms about this transition. Villa Somalia has blatantly weaponised development money intended for Puntland to pressure the regional administration amid their political dispute over the country's direction. Though the UN and the Puntland administration have agreed to work together, directing funds into the coffers of Villa Somalia could further embolden the government to continue its centralising agenda with carte blanche. The question now is whether this pattern could extend to Jubaland, with regional President Ahmed 'Madoobe' publicly withdrawing from last week's National Consultative Council meeting.
 
Fundamentally, the federal government still lacks the capacity to absorb and implement the UN's responsibilities. While there can be a certain degree of paternalism when discussing Somalia, the state's functions and architecture remain extremely limited in many departments. At the heart of this is the contradiction of the international community having recognised the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in 2012 prematurely, without the real foundations of a political settlement in place. Consequently, UNSOM, and others in the international community, have suffered from their clunky mandate, having to support successive administrations in 'state-building' while its occupants seek to politicise or undermine the limited progress made. Still, much remains to be seen whether the UN can effectively respond to its mandate and personnel being reduced. Keeping the right personnel and capabilities will be critical, though this is infamously difficult in the restrictive UN system. But the UNSOM transition comes at a moment of a confluence of rising political and security crises for Somalia, with more scrutiny, not less, truly needed.
 
 By the Somali Wire team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll