Issue No. 730

Published 11 Sep 2024

A Week on the Brink: Escalating Ethiopia-Somalia Tensions

Published on 11 Sep 2024 16:42 min

A Week on the Brink: Escalating Ethiopia-Somalia Tensions 

Reports of Ethiopian forces seizing the Luuq airport in Somalia's Gedo region marks a dangerous new flashpoint in the unravelling relationship between the two countries. In what has been the most volatile week yet, tensions have reached fever pitch, with warlike rhetoric and assertive declarations of ‘sovereignty’ signalling a dangerous descent into further confrontation. This bold and calculated gamble by Addis signals a stark shift from rhetoric to decisive action, testing Somalia’s resolve but also setting a dangerous precedent for further escalation.

Ethiopia’s military involvement in Somalia began in 2006 and continued with its integration into the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) in 2012. Its role as a frontline force against al-Shabaab has proven critical, with Ethiopian forces not only countering insurgents but securing borders and providing essential support to local Somali authorities. Over the years, Ethiopia has built strong ties with clan populations, forging relationships based on mutual trust. These deep-rooted local connections are difficult to replicate, and any replacement of Ethiopian forces— particularly by Egyptian forces— would likely leave the newcomers isolated and susceptible to Al-Shabaab attacks.

A generally pro-Ethiopia, anti-Egypt sentiment in Somalia's South West State and Gedo reflects Ethiopia’s deep-rooted connections. Regional lawmakers and other citizens have openly expressed their support for Ethiopian forces, with protesters in South West State holding signs proclaiming, "Masar Ma Rabno (We Don’t Need Egypt)’. Local administrations for Hudur and Wajid issued a joint statement lauding Ethiopian soldiers for their sacrifice and long-standing cooperation with the community in defending against their enemies. 

Tensions in Somalia’s Lower House of Parliament reached a breaking point following the pro-Ethiopia protests, with South West State MPs defending their constituents' rejection of Egyptian forces, and Hawiye MPs filing a motion accusing them of treason. After two sessions were postponed amidst heated debate, the Speaker intervened and both sides agreed to "uphold Somalia’s unity and sovereignty." But within days, South West President Abdiaziz Laftagareen praised the South West State lawmakers for supporting the pro-Ethiopia protesters, framing their actions as patriotic, in stark contrast to the federal government's portrayal of the lawmakers as treasonous.

Somalia's Minister of Defence Abdulkadir Mohamed Noor then issued a stern warning to Laftagareen, emphasizing that the people of South West State should not be subjected to the authority of what he termed a "historical enemy." Shortly after that, in a press briefing, Prime Minister Hamza Barre delivered his most blistering critique of Ethiopia to date, accusing the neighbouring state of harbouring an aggressive ambition. He said, “Ethiopia wants to either take our waters by force or force us to accept an agreement they made with Somaliland.” Neither of these, he vowed, would succeed under his administration. The South West State administration's stance reveals a federal government increasingly isolated from its regions and highlights the ongoing battle over the narrative of sovereignty and national unity. While Mogadishu currently perceives support for Ethiopian forces as a betrayal of national sovereignty, Laftagareen perceives it as necessary and patriotic, to ensure the security and stability of both South West State and Somalia as a whole.

As could be expected, Ethiopia has responded assertively, blending diplomatic defiance with gunboat diplomacy. Over the past week, Addis has issued a series of indirect but still pointed warnings to both Mogadishu and Cairo. The Ethiopian Air Force, in a show of strength, announced heightened vigilance over the country’s eastern airspace, demonstrating it is fully prepared to carry out its national duty. In a Sovereignty Day address, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reinforced this stance, stating that Ethiopia has never initiated invasions but it has always defended itself against foreign threats. His warning was clear: any attempt to violate Ethiopian sovereignty would be met with serious resistance. In a more diplomatic move, Ethiopia formally rejected Egypt's accusations regarding Nile water usage in its letter to the UN Security Council. It asserted that the management of natural resources falls strictly within its national jurisdiction.

At the recently concluded China-Africa Cooperation Summit in Beijing, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud reportedly declined to meet with Prime Minister Abiy, despite diplomatic overtures made by Djiboutian and Mauritanian presidents, former Nigerian President Obasanjo, and Kenya’s President William Ruto. To hold public or off-the-record sidebar discussions at such a forum is normal, so Hassan Sheikh’s rejection holds weight. 

The fracture between Ethiopia and Somalia has also exposed an unsettling silence at regional and international bodies, including the African Union and IGAD,  casting doubt on their abilities to fulfil their roles. And as tensions escalate, the fate of the Ankara talks slated for next week remains uncertain. The urgency for effective diplomacy has never been greater. It is crucial for these organizations, alongside the Somali federal government and its federal member states, to actively engage in meaningful dialogue and mediation to prevent further escalation and stabilize the region.

By the Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Issue No. 949
The Unravelling of Somalia's Consociational Order
The Somali Wire

On Tuesday, 14 April, the four-year term of Somalia's federal parliament ended, or rather, it didn't. Villa Somalia's (un)constitutional coup of a year-long term extension for the parliament and president in March remains in effect, leaving the institution in a kind of lingering zombie statehood. It is perhaps a fitting denouement for the 11th parliament, whose degeneration has been so thorough that its formal expiration means little in practice.


18:46 min read 17 Apr
Issue No. 125
After Three Years of War, What Is Left of Sudan?
The Horn Edition

Yesterday, 15 April, marked three years of brutal, grinding warfare between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Wholly neglected by a fading international community, many grim landmarks have been passed; another genocide in Darfur, the weaponisation of rape and starvation, another famine, or the desecration of Khartoum, El Fasher, and other major cities. And with no ceasefire or settlement in sight, the war has continued to swell, drawing in each neighbouring African country as tussling Middle Eastern powers grapple for the upper hand-- leaving Sudan in tatters.


28:01 min read 16 Apr
Issue No. 948
Somaliland's Maritime Security Dividends
The Somali Wire

As global energy markets reel from the partial shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz and war insurance premiums skyrocket by nearly 4,000%, an unlikely maritime security provider is emerging as a critical stabiliser in one of the world's most vital shipping corridors. The Somaliland Coast Guard, operating from the port city of Berbera, has quietly begun providing maritime escort services, seeking to reduce shipping insurance costs—and consequently, the price of commodities and energy for consumers across the Horn of Africa and beyond.


22:19 min read 15 Apr
Issue No. 327
The Afterlife of Swinging Addis
The Ethiopian Cable

Most nights in a number of dimly lit bars in Addis Ababa, one can hear a vibraphone hum over a syncopated bassline. The sprightly rhythm is unmistakably jazz, but the scales are Ethiopian; pentatonic, looping and melodic. Five decades after its pioneering by visionary musician Mulatu Astatke, Ethio-jazz remains in full swing, with its renaissance from the late 1990s persevering despite tough political and cultural conditions.


20:12 min read 14 Apr
Scroll