Issue No. 717

Published 12 Aug 2024

The Politics of 'Shiid' and 'Shixaad'

Published on 12 Aug 2024 13:48 min

The Politics of 'Shiid' and 'Shixaad'

Most Fridays, Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) addresses a small gathering after evening prayers in Villa Somalia's mosque. State television and social media transform the sermons into a 'national' event, and the speech's topics frequently become viral on Somali social media. The occasions are used to project the image of a confident and wise leader, with HSM often pontificating on a number of subjects. Devout Somalis dislike the notion of government leaders using the Friday minbar (pulpit) to speak about 'earthly' affairs. It matters little that HSM is talking to his own staff in his own compound.

Last Friday, HSM gave a 22-minute speech in which he returned to his favourite subject of democratic elections and his determination to transition Somalia towards a one-person, one-vote (OPOV) electoral system. The president has repeatedly sought to cast himself as the federal leader who will finally realise the much-vaunted system in Somalia for the first time in decades, even as he has burnt political capital and goodwill pushing a deeply abrogated version. Just the day prior, the Council of Ministers approved a highly flawed and contradictory electoral bill that reintroduced the bizarre restriction of political parties to just two. During his Friday speech, however, he veered off course to attack the 'real' issue he seemingly wanted to address-- 'lazy' youngsters.

The attack was scathing, chastising youth who sit in hotel lobbies and complain about economic hardships (known as 'shiid' in Somali) while seeking to shake down politicians for handouts. Scrounging or parasitism ('shixaad') is the bane of many politicians in Africa and Somalia, who are expected to distribute largesse to their families and communities. Somali politicians have been known to sneak into their hotel rooms via the backdoor to avoid the shixaad crowds waiting for them at hotel entrances to plead their case.

What was bizarre was HSM's attempt to link all shixaad to laziness and, worse, to Al-Shabaab. He claimed those sitting in hotel lobbies seeking politicians' crumbs were actually rent collectors for the jihadists. These comments in particular have generated significant furore, with Somalis taking to social media to denounce the comments. Two well-established critics of the president, former President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Prime Minister Hassan Ali Kheire, also denounced HSM's speech.

The speech has triggered a number of contrasting commentaries. The economic situation in Somalia remains dire, particularly for youth, with a high rate of unemployment and inflation adding to the painful cost of living crisis. With few options, many in the capital turn to 'shixaad' to survive and support their families. Many youths have been sharing photos of bare bowls and stale bread to emphasise their poverty. Others criticised the opulence and ostentatious displays of wealth by Somalia's nouveau riche alongside the perception that corruption is worsening under the current federal administration. From this perspective, some argued that the president was out of touch with the harsh economic realities of life in Somalia.

Yesterday evening, Somali National Television posted another set of stats to attempt to claim that the country was becoming wealthier. Calling the jump "remarkable," it noted that Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth had risen from "2.7% in 2022 to 4.2% in 2023." Yet GDP numbers for Somalia are inherently suspect because of the challenges of gathering reliable data, and the federal government can hardly claim credit for the improvement considering that it controls so little territory and, therefore, has limited capacity to influence economic performance. Instead, the cited increase of 1.5% has been largely attributed to the emergence from a punishing multi-year drought, and, critically, the country's economic structure remains unchanged. Most Somalis work in agriculture, representing more than 65% of Somalia's GDP, rendering it highly vulnerable to increasing climatic shocks. And while debt relief, ascension to the regional East African Community bloc, and the largest-ever budget were achieved in 2023, the boons are overwhelmingly concentrated in Mogadishu's political and economic elite. Real GDP per capita averaged -0.8% between 2019 and 2023, meaning most today are poorer than 5 years ago.

In this light, HSM's recent speech demonstrated a lack of sensitivity to the millions caught in difficult circumstances and unable to make ends meet. For a president who lives in a compound in the Green Zone, unable to meet and greet the city's impoverished youngsters, the comments are hardly surprising. The notion that youth poverty is a choice and comes from an inability to explore existing opportunities in the private sector is demonstrably false. Within the public sector, too, there are few jobs readily available, with those on offer often awarded to those with limited merit and on nepotistic grounds.

Shixaad in traditional Somali culture is a shameful practice, with those perceived as scroungers and parasites shunned. On the flip side, the culture, with its proud entrepreneurial history, emphasises self-drive, industry, and self-reliance-- all aspects that Somali youth surely would love to emulate, given the opportunity. Instead, today's poor youths are products of a broken state and decades of protracted conflict, with shixaad just another form of survival-- and not one always driven by sloth.

By the Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 325
Dammed If They Do
The Ethiopian Cable

Why have one mega-dam when you can have three more? Details are scarce, but Ethiopia has unveiled plans to build three more dams on the Blue Nile, just a few months after the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was completed.


14:12 min read 31 Mar
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 324
A War Deferred or Avoided?
The Ethiopian Cable

War has been averted in Tigray-- for now. In early February, tens of thousands of Ethiopian federal soldiers and heavy artillery streamed northwards, readying themselves on the edges of the northernmost region for seemingly imminent conflict.


23:53 min read 24 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Scroll