Issue No. 714

Published 05 Aug 2024

Friday's Attack at Lido Beach

Published on 05 Aug 2024 13:36 min

Friday's Attack at Lido Beach

Every weekend, predominantly young Somalis gather at the Lido Beach in Mogadishu at the various restaurants and hotels dotted along the seafront. Some chew khat or enjoy a 'cocktail,' the Somali term for a fruit smoothie, hanging out with friends or colleagues along the scenic beachfront. However, on Friday, their usual gathering spot turned into a bloody scene as Al-Shabaab unleashed yet another deadly attack, leaving dozens killed and over a hundred injured. Late that evening, videos on social media began circulating of bodies lying prone in the sand and of injured civilians being carted to hospitals in wheelbarrows.
 
A suicide bomber detonated their explosives amongst a crowd outside the Beach View Hotel before four armed gunmen stormed the building. Until the early morning, seemingly unprepared security forces clashed with the Al-Shabaab fighters, just as was the case during the SYL Hotel attack during Ramadan earlier this year. However, unlike the SYL Hotel attack that saw only a handful of people killed, the latest death toll from Friday stands at over 30, with dozens more injured, and the count is expected to rise further. It was another grim display of the extremist's continued potency in Mogadishu and willingness to deploy 'takfir,' the idea that someone is no longer a believer, to justify the unnecessary deaths of Muslim civilians.
 
Friday night's attack was not the first on Lido Beach by Al-Shabaab. In June 2023, 9 people were killed by Al-Shabaab fighters at the popular Pearl restaurant on the beachfront, three of whom were soldiers, and in April 2022, at least 6 were killed at the newly-opened Pescatore Seafood Restaraunt. There were also attacks in 2020 and 2016 by the extremists, with several civilians also killed on these occasions. Consequently, Lido Beach was not an unexpected location for an attack- far from it- yet security protocols were still found to be woefully inadequate. Repeat promises of new checkpoints and the purging of corrupt military officers have not prevented hundreds of young Somalis' lives from being irrevocably changed. Over the weekend, Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre announced that officers in charge of the beach's security had been arrested, but their identities were not disclosed.
 
The attack's timing is conspicuous– coming amid increased speculation that long-discussed 'peace' talks between Mogadishu and Al-Shabaab were imminent and during the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) draw-down. A mass casualty event of this type in the capital has not been seen for several months, though there have been clear signs of a ramping up of Al-Shabaab's activities within Mogadishu since the New Year. The shooting at General Gordon that left Emirati military officers dead in February, the SYL Hotel attack, the thwarted jailbreak at Mogadishu Central Prison, and the bombing of a cafe during the Euro 2024 Final last month have all pointed to an increasingly assertive presence. Despite this, it appears that there has been no concrete plan for improving Mogadishu's security amid the withdrawal of thousands of ATMIS troops.
 
Al-Shabaab appears to be signalling that it is ready to increase its number of mass casualty attacks in Mogadishu or that it is now time to come to the table with Villa Somalia and, by extension, formally govern. Internally, in recent months, Al-Shabaab has been undergoing a process of military and political consolidation rather than capturing more territory in South-Central. Though the internal machinations of the militant group are difficult to ascertain, it does appear that they are preparing for a type of more formal governance in Somalia. Externally, through attacks such as Friday's, the militants are straddling between showing their true colours as a violent extremist organisation that holds little regard for civilian life and attempting to position itself as a 'legitimate' political actor with genuine demands. These kinds of attacks are hardly likely to endear the militants to the general public or the wearied international community-- and are not intended to do so. But it could lend to the growing resignation amongst some internationals that the federal government cannot protect Mogadishu, and, subsequently, negotiations are the only solution to the decades-long conflict.
 
Twice-delayed, the African Union Peace and Security Council is finally expected to meet and ratify the new post-ATMIS guard force of just under 12,000 personnel-- despite funding concerns and the future of Ethiopia's troop deployment still in doubt. What was made abundantly clear this weekend, alongside several other reports of significant clashes between security forces and Al-Shabaab, is that even with the current ATMIS troop level, the government is unable to secure Mogadishu, let alone further afield. There remains little appetite for ramping troop numbers back up again, if that is even feasible in the short term, with the numerous Forward Operating Bases (FOBs) having been drawn down.
 
The government's continued insistence on the so-called 'Mogadishu Rising' narrative appears tragically absurd in the light of attacks like the one at Lido Beach. The complex attack painfully underscored that Al-Shabaab remains undiminished and, consequently, that any 'peace' negotiations that may take place will not arise from a position of the government's strength but rather the opposite.


by the Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 325
Dammed If They Do
The Ethiopian Cable

Why have one mega-dam when you can have three more? Details are scarce, but Ethiopia has unveiled plans to build three more dams on the Blue Nile, just a few months after the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was completed.


14:12 min read 31 Mar
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 324
A War Deferred or Avoided?
The Ethiopian Cable

War has been averted in Tigray-- for now. In early February, tens of thousands of Ethiopian federal soldiers and heavy artillery streamed northwards, readying themselves on the edges of the northernmost region for seemingly imminent conflict.


23:53 min read 24 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Scroll