issue No. 713

Published 02 Aug 2024

Somalia's Accountability Crisis

Published on 02 Aug 2024 13:50 min

Somalia's Accountability Crisis

Somalia's federal government has a scrutiny problem– it doesn't like it. Be it lawmakers, journalists, or the international community, the incumbent government has repeatedly sought to quash the examination of its policies and actions, either through inducement or suppression. The Hassan Sheikh administration is hardly the first government, Somali or otherwise, to seek to limit prying eyes, but its targeting of the media in recent months has drawn particular alarm.
 
The latest journalist to be controversially jailed is Alinur Salaad for his reporting on Somali National Army soldiers' use of khat on the battlefield. He was denied fundamental rights-- being charged without a lawyer present at a courthouse in Banaadir before being detained for 5 days and released on 27 July. Salaad is far from the only one arrested or intimidated in recent months. Others, such as Said Abdullahi Kulmiye and Abdulkadir Isse, have faced pressure over their critical reporting on corrupt police and government officials. The renewed intimidation has elicited concerns about a return to media freedom during President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's first term, which saw the passage of the draconian media bill that slashed the protection of reporters. Ongoing discussions about new legislation that would impose additional restrictions on the media have elicited alarm from domestic and foreign press associations alike, including the National Union of Somali Journalists. US Ambassador to Somalia Richard H. Riley has urged the federal government to listen to their concerns.
 
The lack of effective scrutiny, despite the best efforts of independent journalists in a dangerous, unpredictable environment, has profound implications for the quality of governance Somalis can expect. The federal government's much-vaunted military operations are one example, with the reality on the battlefield so devoid of the daily press statements of Al-Shabaab fighters killed and villages re-taken. If you were to merely read the press statements published by SONNA or the Information Ministry, you would be led to believe that the military offensive against the extremists is going swimmingly. But it is not– and the government's repeated denials of the reality has hindered the attempts to restart operations and bring critical communities back into the offensive. While this is typical in wartime, with no government likely to openly admit to morale-damaging defeats, the dynamic is particularly extreme in Somalia.
 
The media is not the only checks and balances sought to be co-opted by the incumbents in Villa Somalia and their predecessors. The federal parliament, in particular, has long been an infamous hotbed of corruption and vested interests that routinely fails to achieve a quorum, let alone seriously debate and scrutinise legislation as their mandate demands. This year has seen an alarming rise in bills being pushed through with barely a glance– including the substantial Turkey-Somalia maritime security and economy deal. The agreement is likely to have profound implications for the country, but the public remains in the dark- with information only being eked out when the federal government decides to clear a cemetery in Mogadishu to make way for a naval base or such.
 
Another example is the recently concluded Somali Diaspora Conference that was hosted in Doha and attended by the PM and Foreign Minister. It has been widely speculated that the federal officials present would use the opportunity to open a form of dialogue with Al-Shabaab with the support of senior Qatari officials. While publicly denied by Villa Somalia, it is understood that there are influential individuals within the administration who are pushing for a negotiated settlement with the extremists. Though peace talks routinely occur behind closed doors, any attempt to conduct them without laying the requisite groundwork will inevitably doom them to disaster even if they 'succeed' in bringing the extremists into government.
 
The Turkey-Somalia pact and Somali Diaspora Conference rumours both speak to the country's broader political settlement, where decisions are made behind closed doors without the prying eyes of the international community or the public. One might compare Somalia's politics to an iceberg, where the stories reported in the news only signal the reality beneath. The undercurrents of clan and community that do not appear readily on the surface are instrumental in shaping all aspects of politics but are typically not well understood by non-Somalis. This does not excuse, however, the silence of the international community when it comes to comments like PM Hamza Abdi Barre's that Jews were the "children of pigs and monkeys" in the aftermath of the 7 October attacks and Israel's invasion of Gaza.
 
When it comes to other pressing matters, there has been an apparent unwillingness to hold politicians and others publicly accountable from the fatigued international community siloed in Aden Adde. The federal government has been able to act egregiously on media freedom and women's rights, topics that should matter to the traditional international community, in large part because many of their primary donors allow them to do so. The damp squib of a response to the abrogation of Chapters 1-4 of the Provisional Constitution was particularly telling-- this is a process that millions of USD have been invested into, but diplomatic missions acquiesced nonetheless. The federal government is now laying the political groundwork for Chapters 5-9, with the full expectation that much of the international community will consent to whatever version emerges.
 
Scrutiny works both ways- for a government to be scrutinised, there must be those willing to hold it accountable. Independent journalists like Alinur Salaad cannot bear the burden alone, with parliamentarians and the international community both shirking their duty. Backing a thin-skinned government that quickly resorts to intimidation is surely unsustainable in the long run. Any robust and vibrant democracy depends on the quality of its media and opposition to keep the central government on an even keel. Journalists need greater support in Somalia to bring the country's politics decided in the dark to the light, not more intimidation under the guise of legislation. 

by the Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll