Somalia's Accountability Crisis
Somalia's federal government has a scrutiny problem– it doesn't like it. Be it lawmakers, journalists, or the international community, the incumbent government has repeatedly sought to quash the examination of its policies and actions, either through inducement or suppression. The Hassan Sheikh administration is hardly the first government, Somali or otherwise, to seek to limit prying eyes, but its targeting of the media in recent months has drawn particular alarm.
The latest journalist to be controversially jailed is Alinur Salaad for his reporting on Somali National Army soldiers' use of khat on the battlefield. He was denied fundamental rights-- being charged without a lawyer present at a courthouse in Banaadir before being detained for 5 days and released on 27 July. Salaad is far from the only one arrested or intimidated in recent months. Others, such as Said Abdullahi Kulmiye and Abdulkadir Isse, have faced pressure over their critical reporting on corrupt police and government officials. The renewed intimidation has elicited concerns about a return to media freedom during President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's first term, which saw the passage of the draconian media bill that slashed the protection of reporters. Ongoing discussions about new legislation that would impose additional restrictions on the media have elicited alarm from domestic and foreign press associations alike, including the National Union of Somali Journalists. US Ambassador to Somalia Richard H. Riley has urged the federal government to listen to their concerns.
The lack of effective scrutiny, despite the best efforts of independent journalists in a dangerous, unpredictable environment, has profound implications for the quality of governance Somalis can expect. The federal government's much-vaunted military operations are one example, with the reality on the battlefield so devoid of the daily press statements of Al-Shabaab fighters killed and villages re-taken. If you were to merely read the press statements published by SONNA or the Information Ministry, you would be led to believe that the military offensive against the extremists is going swimmingly. But it is not– and the government's repeated denials of the reality has hindered the attempts to restart operations and bring critical communities back into the offensive. While this is typical in wartime, with no government likely to openly admit to morale-damaging defeats, the dynamic is particularly extreme in Somalia.
The media is not the only checks and balances sought to be co-opted by the incumbents in Villa Somalia and their predecessors. The federal parliament, in particular, has long been an infamous hotbed of corruption and vested interests that routinely fails to achieve a quorum, let alone seriously debate and scrutinise legislation as their mandate demands. This year has seen an alarming rise in bills being pushed through with barely a glance– including the substantial Turkey-Somalia maritime security and economy deal. The agreement is likely to have profound implications for the country, but the public remains in the dark- with information only being eked out when the federal government decides to clear a cemetery in Mogadishu to make way for a naval base or such.
Another example is the recently concluded Somali Diaspora Conference that was hosted in Doha and attended by the PM and Foreign Minister. It has been widely speculated that the federal officials present would use the opportunity to open a form of dialogue with Al-Shabaab with the support of senior Qatari officials. While publicly denied by Villa Somalia, it is understood that there are influential individuals within the administration who are pushing for a negotiated settlement with the extremists. Though peace talks routinely occur behind closed doors, any attempt to conduct them without laying the requisite groundwork will inevitably doom them to disaster even if they 'succeed' in bringing the extremists into government.
The Turkey-Somalia pact and Somali Diaspora Conference rumours both speak to the country's broader political settlement, where decisions are made behind closed doors without the prying eyes of the international community or the public. One might compare Somalia's politics to an iceberg, where the stories reported in the news only signal the reality beneath. The undercurrents of clan and community that do not appear readily on the surface are instrumental in shaping all aspects of politics but are typically not well understood by non-Somalis. This does not excuse, however, the silence of the international community when it comes to comments like PM Hamza Abdi Barre's that Jews were the "children of pigs and monkeys" in the aftermath of the 7 October attacks and Israel's invasion of Gaza.
When it comes to other pressing matters, there has been an apparent unwillingness to hold politicians and others publicly accountable from the fatigued international community siloed in Aden Adde. The federal government has been able to act egregiously on media freedom and women's rights, topics that should matter to the traditional international community, in large part because many of their primary donors allow them to do so. The damp squib of a response to the abrogation of Chapters 1-4 of the Provisional Constitution was particularly telling-- this is a process that millions of USD have been invested into, but diplomatic missions acquiesced nonetheless. The federal government is now laying the political groundwork for Chapters 5-9, with the full expectation that much of the international community will consent to whatever version emerges.
Scrutiny works both ways- for a government to be scrutinised, there must be those willing to hold it accountable. Independent journalists like Alinur Salaad cannot bear the burden alone, with parliamentarians and the international community both shirking their duty. Backing a thin-skinned government that quickly resorts to intimidation is surely unsustainable in the long run. Any robust and vibrant democracy depends on the quality of its media and opposition to keep the central government on an even keel. Journalists need greater support in Somalia to bring the country's politics decided in the dark to the light, not more intimidation under the guise of legislation.
by the Somali Wire Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.
A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.
Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.
Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.
With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.
In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.
Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate
Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.
In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.