Issue No. 707

Published 19 Jul 2024

Clan-destine arms smuggling

Published on 19 Jul 2024 12:53 min

Clan-destine arms smuggling

On Monday, two trucks travelling from Ethiopia laden with weapons and ammunition were ambushed near Abudwaaq town in Galgaduud. A dozen people, including security personnel, were killed in the raid by Marehaan militia, with photos quickly circulating across Somali social media of triumphant clan members holding rifles aloft. While the federal government has repeatedly insisted that it will seek to reclaim the thousands of pistols, AK-variant rifles, and DsHK heavy machine guns, the chances of their return are dubious.
 
The hijacked weapons were seemingly clandestinely destined for one of Villa Somalia's political proxies in Galmudug, Libaan Ahmed Hassan 'Shuluq,' who is planning to contest the upcoming regional presidential election against the incumbent Ahmed Abdi Karie 'QoorQoor.' Through his federal connections, Shuluq has profited USD millions from overseeing the distribution of arms, fuel, and supplies to the allied clan militias battling Al-Shabaab in central Somalia. This week's frantic backpedalling from the federal government appears more intended to deflect intention from an irresponsible government act than to actually augment arms control. The incident is further proving particularly embarrassing for those federal officials who proudly celebrated the lifting of the remaining elements of the UN arms embargo on Somalia only months ago.
 
Moreover, the apparent ease with which the weapons were hijacked is another potent symbol of the Somali government's continued lack of a monopoly of force, as well as the immense proliferation of arms across South-Central Somalia. Not only is the country one of the most heavily armed in the world, but according to the 2023 Global Organised Crime Index, Somalia is also home to one of the most pervasive arms trafficking markets. Following the attack on the two trucks, the cost of an AK-47 in the Abudwaaq market plunged from USD 1,400 to just 400. In small dhows and speedboats from Yemen and Iran, weapons are shuttled across the Indian Ocean and Red Sea to the longest coastline on the African continent. Simultaneously, rogue Ethiopian generals have become increasing points of origin for weapons being smuggled into Somalia, as well as South Sudan and Sudan. It is not yet clear where precisely the ambushed trucks originated from in Ethiopia, but unsurprisingly, it has already been seized upon in the context of the deteriorated Addis-Mogadishu relations as a further example of Ethiopia seeking to destabilise Somalia.
 
Somalia's Minister of Internal Security Abdullahi Ismael 'Fartaag' and several officials have now travelled to the district to meet with Marehaan representatives and others to discuss the return of the weapons. They are unlikely to have any major success, considering that the federal government has repeatedly failed to intervene and protect civilians in the particularly bloody inter-clan clashes of recent weeks. Particularly ludicrous, though, was the announcement by a hurriedly assembled National Security Council yesterday that a "total ban" would be imposed upon the import and trade of weapons by non-state actors. With the federal government only controlling a fraction of Somalia, the notion that it can now somehow impose this ban is nonsensical.
 
While they may be able to recover some firearms, and that may be only possible through a promise of financial or military inducements, there were over 2,200 AK-47s in the trucks alone, and many will likely have already been dispersed through clan networks. Some have speculated that a significant quantity could end up in Al-Shabaab hands, and though some well could through the arms markets that dot the country, the Marehaan militias near Abudwaaq are more closely associated with the Sufi paramilitaries Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a, who have fought the extremists for years.
 
The capture of these weapons also begs a broader question about the feasibility of disarmament in Somalia. Nearly every household in the country possesses one weapon or another, and military supplies continue to flow into the country to arm the multitude of clan militias, as well as the violent extremists of the Islamic State in Somalia and Al-Shabaab. For many, an AK-47 is synonymous with self-defence– a firearm one can still easily pick up at Mogadishu's notorious Bakara market for several hundred USD. Again, there is little possibility that the federal government can suddenly end the weapons trade when it cannot do so even within the capital.
 
And at the heart of any future disarmament programme in Somalia lies the question of who is disarming whom? With every successive regional and federal government in Somalia having been tainted by the perception of serving particular political, religious, or clan interests, successive attempts to disarm militias and warlords have collapsed– often violently. Considering that the current occupants of Villa Somalia have been firmly associated with an ongoing 'Hawiye-fication' of the federal government, they, too, would surely struggle to disarm vast swathes of the country. And the import of high-end M-16 rifles for Shuluq and his militia amid persistent inter-clan fighting in Galmudug speaks to the continued malaise of wielding violence for political ends. It is little wonder that across social media, many Marehaan have been insistent that they will fiercely resist any attempt by the federal government to reclaim the weapons. This is surely not what UN officials envisaged after they lifted the final elements of the arms embargo on the federal government in December 2023. 

The Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll