Pluralism at work: 'Justice' in Somalia
While Somalia's Provisional Constitution currently outlines a three-tiered judicial system -- a Constitutional Court, a federal and a state-level court -- this framework remains largely unimplemented. Instead, the current 'pluralist' justice system is a patchwork of three main sources of law— statutory, Sharia, and customary law, known as 'Xeer.' Of these, Xeer law is the most prominent, developed over centuries of oral tradition to semi-regulate internal clan dynamics and inter-clan relationships.
Government courts are scarce, often dealing with years-long backlogs, public perceptions of bias and non-binding rulings. Endemic corruption, fragmentation within the system, and judicial inability to enforce rulings render the formal system largely ineffective in delivering justice. In this void, military courts sometimes fill the gap, but their prosecutions, including prosecuting errant officers, are inconsistent at best. And many criminals in the military courts avoid due process because of their clan affiliations. The US State Department's 2023 annual report on human rights practices in Somalia reported that while some officials were prosecuted for human rights violations, "impunity generally remained the norm." Additionally, there is significant variation in how different systems and legislation are applied both within and between the Federal Member States.
Conversely, Xeer has long been central to Somali identity and continues to be used nationwide, handling issues from petty crime to family disputes to murder charges. Dependent on consensus, all parties must follow the final agreement, typically negotiated by clan elders. While these negotiations are often used to resolve possible inter-clan conflicts peacefully, Xeer's emphasis on consensus and preventing retaliatory bloodshed still comes at a cost. In relation to murder, clan elders typically wield financial reparations, known as 'diya' in Islamic jurisprudence, as 'blood money' to settle inter-clan disputes. While this can help prevent further violence, it can also grant murderers impunity, as the negotiated settlement process is seen as a form of social rehabilitation for the perpetrator. This method of adjudication is often preferred by the more influential clans, as compromise leans in their favour. For weaker clans and the victims and their families, the pressure to settle for peace frequently comes at the expense of justice.
Many Somalis also harbour deep suspicions about the federal and regional courts' efficiency, as well as their ability to enforce rulings. As a result, many turn to Al-Shabaab's 'shadow court' system, which combines elements of Xeer and Sharia to handle land disputes, resource competition, and even inter-clan conflict. Indeed, in much of southern Somalia, Al-Shabaab courts are the primary dispenser of 'justice' and are widely regarded as less corrupt than their state counterparts. This is particularly true for those from Somalia's ethnic minorities and minority clans, who may be apprehensive about likely discrimination by government-appointed judges and so are enticed by supposed Al-Shabaab impartiality. Al-Shabaab's speedy court sentences typically range from a few lashes for adultery to the death penalty for more serious offences. These courts are underpinned by the promise of violence meted out to those who disregard its rulings.
During the early months of the offensive against Al-Shabaab from mid-2022 onward, amidst promises of 'total war' against the extremist group, the federal government vowed to close all Al-Shabaab courts within two years. This period has all but elapsed. Rather than Al-Shabaab's courts weakening in influence, they arguably remain more influential than the federal justice system. As the horrific murder of Lul Abdiaziz has highlighted, the general acceptance of government courts remains limited, even in such extreme circumstances. It remains a tall order to try and shutter the shadow courts and diminish the influence of Xeer, but the continued politicisation of the judiciary and courts is dashing any chances of a state system gaining traction across the country.
By the Somali Wire Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Ethiopia’s leaders are fighting a new war with an old conviction: that military victory can permanently settle the question of who owns the state. But the coalition that encircled Tigray in 2020 has fractured, the regional balance has shifted, and drone capabilities are spreading to the government’s opponents. The battlefield looks familiar, but the strategic conditions are profoundly different. The danger lies in mistaking the temporary capture of territory for the resolution of deep-seated conflict, a ruinous road Ethiopia has travelled before; its towns bear the scars, and its people carry the losses.
In social psychology, the term "desperation conundrum" refers to a psychological paradox wherein an acute, extreme, or severe need for an objective inadvertently impedes its attainment. This occurs because an intense sense of urgency frequently drives choices and behaviours that alienate the very outcome that is so desperately sought.
Somalia’s contemporary political trajectory is profoundly defined by the month of October. Within the Somali collective consciousness, October is not merely another page on the calendar; it is the recurring crucible of political upheaval, tragedy and systemic transformation.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has since 10 October been deploying National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) forces, specifically the little-known Public Protection Forces (Ilaalada Shacabka / People’s Protection Forces), in Wadajir. This mobilisation is concentrated close to the home of ex-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed – a development widely criticised by many Somalis as provocative. Some interpret the build-up as a prelude, possibly, to some form of armed action against the former president and leader of the opposition Somali Future Council, amid uncorroborated media reports that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has used Abgaal clan elders to relay an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Sharif and other opposition figures.
It’s been a bruising week for the Somali Federal Government (FGS), headed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose constitutional term of office expired in May this year. Yesterday, forces aligned with the administration of Jubaland peacefully took control of the strategic border town of Beled Haawo in Somalia’s Gedo region – a lucrative customs post for trade and transit with Kenya. Roughly 1,000 Daraawiish paramilitaries loyal to Abdirashid Hassan Janan – a fickle politician who is notorious for changing sides in a volatile region – reportedly deployed across key sites in the town following negotiations with the previous local administration.
Plans are intensifying within Hiiraan to establish an autonomous "Hiiraan State." This development reflects deep-seated regional and clan cleavages reasserting themselves in local politics, set against the backdrop of a stalled federal process, a breakdown in talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) and the opposition Somalia Future Council (SFC), and an unravelling Somali federation.
Nearly a month has passed since a powerful blast destroyed the home of General Mahad, widely known as Taliye Shub, in Doolow, a political dissident who opposed the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.
On 5 September, Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro arrived in the United States for an informal working visit designed to launch a new diplomatic push to cement Hargeisa's rising geopolitical profile. Monitored closely both regionally and internationally, the high-stakes trip carries immense domestic expectations. It represents an ambitious diplomatic outreach by Hargeisa to Washington, capitalising on the momentum generated by Israel's formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. However, translating this sudden diplomatic visibility into tangible strategic prospects remains a formidable challenge.