Somalia's gender-based violence crisis
Last week, three women were killed in Somalia, all reportedly murdered by their husbands. One mother-of-6 was murdered in Mogadishu, while two more women were killed in Lower Shabelle. And on Sunday, 4 February, another man was arrested in Afgooye town carrying gasoline and a matchbox following reports that he was intending to set his family alight. The condemnation of this spate of killings has been widespread, with protests erupting in several places across Somalia. Somalia's MPs have further demanded rapid justice and the arrests of those responsible.
But while the horrors of the past few days have stirred a strong reaction, there remains a tendency to downplay or overlook the prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in Somalia. It remains a taboo subject -- with the vast majority of SGBV going unreported in Somalia's patriarchal society. Support for women remains extremely limited, particularly regarding legal recourse and healthcare.
Precise data on the scale of SGBV in Somalia is hard to ascertain. But in 2021, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) reported an alarming 80% year-on-year rise in GBV cases in the country. Women and children were the overwhelming victims, making up 93% of those who reported such incidents, with more than 90% of the perpetrators male. Already prevalent violence surged during the COVID-19 pandemic amid a global economic downturn and a punishing drought in Somalia. However, rather than subside, cases have remained shockingly high and actually increased into 2023.
The majority of victims are women and girls sheltering in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps. Data gathered in 2021 in several IDP camps indicated that 52% had experienced some form of SGBV, particularly physical assault, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. They face specific vulnerabilities in these poorly policed sites, including being forced to travel to access humanitarian aid, firewood, or water. Many are also from marginalised sub-clans without equal access to resources or influence.
SGBV thrives in the kind of social, economic, and political insecurity that has long been prevalent in Somalia. At the end of January 2024, the Somali Disaster Management Agency Commissioner Mohamud Moallim said that of the nearly four million people displaced in Somalia, over 80% are women and children. Yet, too often, women's rights and protection are treated as an afterthought rather than a priority. At times of crisis, initiatives are understandably focused on providing immediate humanitarian aid, such as food and shelter. But inadvertently, establishing these massive IDP camps that may be effective at distributing large quantities of assistance can create unsafe spaces for women and children.
The outcry by Somalia's MPs and other officials is hard to take seriously, considering that the federal parliament has yet to pass the United Nations-backed Sexual Offences Bill from 2018. The bill criminalised rape but was shelved after coming up against stiff opposition. Despite the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) being recognised nearly 12 years ago, there are still no federal laws that explicitly criminalise spousal abuse or assault. And when it comes to traditional justice mechanisms, women can only access it through their male relative, be it a husband, brother, or father. With women not considered 'responsible' in Somalia's patriarchal society, those who do seek legal or traditional recourse independently are stigmatised.
In the rare instances that cases do come to court, prosecutors use the outdated penal code from the 1970s to charge suspects. The code is not strict enough for crimes of sexual violence or domestic abuse, however, and is not fit for purpose in the 21st century. A whole host of sexual offences are not covered in these codes, including marital rape.
While some regions, including Puntland, have passed legislation prohibiting rape, federal initiatives have partly failed because of ingrained social resistance and religious objections. The Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Sadia Yasin Samatar, the highest-ranking elected female politician in Somalia, publicly supported legislation criminalising rape and other sexual offences. But following intense backlash and threats, she was forced to walk back her comments, instead welcoming religious scholars who "have the country's interest at heart" to amend the law. Numerous Somali legislators remain opposed to codifying secular punishments for sexual violence in the belief that it contradicts Sharia law. But with this refusal, victims and survivors have ended up with the worst of both worlds, where the law is unclear and applied unevenly.
Legislative action can only be part of the urgent reform, however. Domestic violence is widespread and tolerated, and women cannot access support to escape from abusive relationships. If the essential legal and social support was in place to protect women, then the tragedies of the last week might have been avoided. Any outrage should be capitalised on and draw further attention to the structural discrimination facing Somali women. If MPs want to see real change, they can begin by reviving the 2018 Sexual Offences Bill and pass comprehensive legislation to start to tackle these entrenched crimes.
By the Somali Wire team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.
Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.
A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.
On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.
Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.
'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.
A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.
Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.