Issue No. 639

Published 24 Jan 2024

The New Pivot to Egypt: Does it Matter?

Published on 24 Jan 2024 15:20 min

The New Pivot to Egypt: Does it Matter? 

Somalia and Ethiopia are now engaged in a battle of wills. The raging diplomatic crisis triggered by the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Addis Ababa and Hargeisa on access to the Red Sea continues to escalate. Both sides have doubled down on their positions; the softening of language in Addis Ababa in recent days does not, in itself, signal a shift. Meanwhile, Mogadishu has remained defiant and in no mood for de-escalation, rebuffing calls for negotiations. Villa Somalia continues to insist that only a full retraction of the MoU can lead to dialogue. And nationalist sentiment abounds as calls for Ethiopian forces to withdraw from Somali soil increase.
 
Somalia's newer allies have also seized upon the nationalist talking points of territorial sovereignty and hints of war. In the days after the MoU's announcement, Cairo capitalised on the furore to withdraw from stagnant trilateral negotiations over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) operations, and to invite Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to Egypt. On 20 January, the Somali president arrived in Cairo in a bid to maximise pressure on Ethiopia and secure vocal support from Addis' perennial frustrator.
 
In a press conference with the Somali president, his Egyptian counterpart Abdal Fattah el-Sisi offered abundant verbal support, waxing poetic on long ties between Somalia and Egypt while issuing veiled threats to Ethiopia. President Hassan Sheikh was further praised for standing firm in the face of ‘Ethiopian aggression’ and for protecting Somalia's unity and territorial integrity.
 
Yet despite the charged rhetoric and sabre rattling by el-Sisi, Egypt made no concrete offers of military support. Indeed, prospects of armed conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia are distinctly remote for several reasons. First, Cairo is preoccupied with the humanitarian and political crisis in Gaza on its eastern border. Over a million Palestinians are crowded onto the strip of land that connects Gaza to Egypt, known as the Philadephie Route, with Egypt reluctant to admit them. Domestic unrest over the indiscriminate bombing of Gaza continues to grow as Cairo attempts to balance close ties with Israel with public opinion. To the south of the country, Egpyt's allies, the Sudanese Armed Forces, are on the back foot, having lost swathes of central Sudan to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in recent weeks. Spiralling inflation is also contributing to overall uneasiness that has consumed Egypt in recent months.
 
El-Sisi is no deluded autocrat; he is well aware that Egypt's military lacks the capacity to fight any long-range war on foreign soil. While it has a significant army, with over 300,000 personnel, and it is relatively better equipped than Ethiopia, it lacks long-range expeditionary capabilities. Finally, Egypt is the third-largest recipient of US military aid; only Israel and Ukraine receive more. Any substantial military intervention in Somalia or Somaliland would surely require US backing, which is very unlikely considering US statements on the MoU row. El-Sisi's bellicose rhetoric was a low-cost, effective way to appease Mogadishu and increase pressure on Addis.
 
Addis' public response to Cairo's sabre-rattling was largely muted, if frustrated. Ethiopia's National Security Advisor, Redwan Hussein, deliberately avoided any reference to Egypt in a series of comments on X, formerly Twitter, made while President Hassan Sheikh was in Cairo. He did, however, fault Mogadishu for its "statements, posturing and rhetoric that unnecessarily ratchet up tension."
 
El-Sisi's rhetoric falls firmly into Egypt's traditional counter-Addis policy, which relies almost exclusively on 'encirclement,' seeking military cooperation and engagement with Ethiopia's neighbouring states. Since the New Year alone, Cairo has signed a new military cooperation treaty with South Sudan and dispatched its Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry to Asmara. The South Sudan-Egypt agreement and similar pacts are largely symbolic in nature, primarily focused on military training and little else.
 
The Egyptian-Eritrean relationship, on the other hand, has rapidly grown closer in recent months, amid escalating conflict in Sudan and Ethiopia's desire for Red Sea access. While their relations have been prone to periodic setbacks and instability, Cairo and Asmara's current interest in denying Ethiopia sea access aligns.
 
Not all nations are neatly falling into the Somalia camp, however. This week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud travelled from Cairo to the Gulf to continue seeking international opposition to the MoU. His visit to Qatar was unsurprising considering Villa Somalia prioritising the wealthy Gulf state in recent months, though former Somali President Farmaajo appeared there at the same time. Saudi Arabia, an increasingly important ally of Egypt, has only offered a boilerplate statement about protecting Somalia's territorial integrity and sovereignty. With vast commercial and agricultural interests in Ethiopia, Riyadh is seemingly disinclined to spike its relations with Addis. The UAE, meanwhile, remains a close ally of both Ethiopia and Somaliland and is likely to prioritise these relations over its complicated ties with Somalia.
 
Ethiopia's population, abundant water resources, and agricultural potential often trump sentiments of brotherly affinity with Somalia for interested governments. Considering these interests alongside the normative Arab framework of upholding Somalia's unity and territorial sovereignty is a fine balancing act. If Egypt veers too far and heads into a direct or proxy conflict with Ethiopia, it will likely harm its relations with Gulf states with interests in Ethiopia.
 
Many Somalis like the symbolism of a powerful Arab state coming to their aid, but opinion is likely to change if Egypt deploys troops to Somalia, as some have called for. Housing Ethiopian and Egyptian forces in Somalia simultaneously would surely be a recipe for disaster. So far, we remain in the realm of threats, rhetoric and symbolism. Let’s hope we stay there.

​By the Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Issue No. 949
The Unravelling of Somalia's Consociational Order
The Somali Wire

On Tuesday, 14 April, the four-year term of Somalia's federal parliament ended, or rather, it didn't. Villa Somalia's (un)constitutional coup of a year-long term extension for the parliament and president in March remains in effect, leaving the institution in a kind of lingering zombie statehood. It is perhaps a fitting denouement for the 11th parliament, whose degeneration has been so thorough that its formal expiration means little in practice.


18:46 min read 17 Apr
Issue No. 125
After Three Years of War, What Is Left of Sudan?
The Horn Edition

Yesterday, 15 April, marked three years of brutal, grinding warfare between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Wholly neglected by a fading international community, many grim landmarks have been passed; another genocide in Darfur, the weaponisation of rape and starvation, another famine, or the desecration of Khartoum, El Fasher, and other major cities. And with no ceasefire or settlement in sight, the war has continued to swell, drawing in each neighbouring African country as tussling Middle Eastern powers grapple for the upper hand-- leaving Sudan in tatters.


28:01 min read 16 Apr
Issue No. 948
Somaliland's Maritime Security Dividends
The Somali Wire

As global energy markets reel from the partial shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz and war insurance premiums skyrocket by nearly 4,000%, an unlikely maritime security provider is emerging as a critical stabiliser in one of the world's most vital shipping corridors. The Somaliland Coast Guard, operating from the port city of Berbera, has quietly begun providing maritime escort services, seeking to reduce shipping insurance costs—and consequently, the price of commodities and energy for consumers across the Horn of Africa and beyond.


22:19 min read 15 Apr
Issue No. 327
The Afterlife of Swinging Addis
The Ethiopian Cable

Most nights in a number of dimly lit bars in Addis Ababa, one can hear a vibraphone hum over a syncopated bassline. The sprightly rhythm is unmistakably jazz, but the scales are Ethiopian; pentatonic, looping and melodic. Five decades after its pioneering by visionary musician Mulatu Astatke, Ethio-jazz remains in full swing, with its renaissance from the late 1990s persevering despite tough political and cultural conditions.


20:12 min read 14 Apr
Scroll