Issue No. 638

Published 22 Jan 2024

Can the International Community assist Somalia in meeting its 5 greatest challenges?

Published on 22 Jan 2024 12:17 min

Can the International Community assist Somalia in meeting its 5 greatest challenges?

Since his inauguration, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the Somali federal government have been praised—and rightfully so—by international partners for several significant accomplishments. In 2023 alone, Mogadishu secured Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) status, was invited into the East African Community, held an international security conference in New York, and saw the conclusion of the long-standing UN arms embargo on Somalia. Certainly, these successes must be well acknowledged. But the greatest challenges still facing Somalia are yet to be proven domitable.

First is the pernicious presence and influence of Al-Shabaab (AS) jihadists across most of South Central Somalia. Despite the enormous efforts of the federal administration to dislodge AS from central Somalia, including President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's decamping to the frontlines, progress has largely stalled since early 2023. This is in no small part due to the collapse of 'Operation Black Lion,' the much-heralded arrival of Kenyan, Ethiopian, and Djiboutian forces to support Somali National Army (SNA) operations. Nevertheless, with African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) forces fully withdrawing in 2024 and Somali forces poised to assume full responsibility for the country's security for the first time in years, an opportunity for security sector reform presents itself, if AS does not fill the vacuum. But to realise these aspirations, far more support for institution-building and military planning will be needed from Somalia's neighbours and the wider international community. Continued support for Villa Somalia's prioritisation of inclusive politics and Islamic moderation as a counter weight to the militancy of Al-Shabaab and Da'esh is also necessary. And a plan for additional foreign troops as part of more than a post-ATMIS guard force, including holding forces, will have to be developed.

A second area where Somalia's international partners might support the federal government is the development of the National Consultative Council (NCC) proposals put forward in May 2023. The scope of the proposals has triggered significant debate, so much so that they are still yet to be tabled in the federal parliament. They contain some important reforms, not least a transition to one-person, one-vote (OPOV) elections, a long-held aspiration for many Somalis, and an effort to synchronise the timing of state-level presidential elections. But these proposals are so important they can't and shouldn't be rushed and have inadvertently become a challenge to the federal government, rather than the success they could ultimately be. Could the international community provide Mogadishu with more nuanced assistance in clarifying, carrying out, and finally completing the still provisional Constitution?

Third, the federal project has been suffering blow after blow. Since Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni removed the Federal Member State from the NCC in January 2023, Somalia has been left a confederal rather than a federal state and fundamentally incomplete. With Puntland's self-imposed exile stretching into its second year and Deni having won re-election by a significant margin on 8 January, there is little sign of the federal project regaining its footing in the coming months. Meanwhile, Villa Somalia also faces challenges in Jubaland and South West State, where regional leaders have significant political aspirations, as well as imminent, likely contested, elections in Galmudug.

Fourth, perhaps with the largest overall impact on Somalia's population, is the devastating consequences of climate change across much of the country. Extreme drought veering to extreme flooding has displaced millions internally, uprooting entire communities seeking to secure their lives and livelihoods. While President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has raised the disproportionate burden of climate change on the international stage and prioritised domestic response through several key appointments, Somalia still lacks the capacity to deal with these monumental humanitarian crises alone.

Fifth, the recent Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland has stirred up a great deal of ill will, distracting critical attention from Somalia's pressing domestic challenges. Could a small group of creative and committed international partners—who can see and understand both sides of the Mogadishu-Hargeisa divide—still facilitate respectful dialogue instead of verbal attacks? Drawing Ethiopia and Somalia back from the brink should surely be the priority of Mogadishu's foreign backers.

It is not for lack of trying that the current federal government of Somalia has continued to struggle. Its noted successes are evidence of its efforts. What has been most lacking is coordinated, evidence-based planning, and military and development assistance on the part of the international community in the Horn of Africa. It behoves all of us as international partners to stop reacting and start planning the best means to support a secure, prosperous Somalia, within the context of a region long fraught with political and armed strife.

​By the Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 325
Dammed If They Do
The Ethiopian Cable

Why have one mega-dam when you can have three more? Details are scarce, but Ethiopia has unveiled plans to build three more dams on the Blue Nile, just a few months after the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was completed.


14:12 min read 31 Mar
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 324
A War Deferred or Avoided?
The Ethiopian Cable

War has been averted in Tigray-- for now. In early February, tens of thousands of Ethiopian federal soldiers and heavy artillery streamed northwards, readying themselves on the edges of the northernmost region for seemingly imminent conflict.


23:53 min read 24 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Scroll