Issue No. 635

Published 15 Jan 2024

Somaliland's Energy Transition

Published on 15 Jan 2024 15:46 min

Somaliland's Energy Transition

Today's editorial in The Somali Wire is written by Abdusamed Artan.
 
We would like to extend an invitation to others who may wish to contribute to the Somali Wire in the future. We appreciate insightful perspectives on topics concerning Somalia crafted as editorials.
Please contact us for more information if interested.


Despite significant strides in development, Somaliland's energy infrastructure and consumption remain deeply constrained. Without a reliable power infrastructure, communities primarily rely on traditional forms of energy, mainly burning charcoal and wood for light and heat. But these unsustainable fuel sources, while cheap, come with high environmental and health costs. Driven by tree felling for charcoal production, accelerating desertification in Somaliland and Ethiopia, where much of Somaliland's charcoal originates from, poses a clear danger on several fronts, not least accentuating the impacts of an increasingly extreme climate. 

Late colonisation-era technology provided Somaliland's previous power grid systems, but most were destroyed during the Somali Civil War. The few generators available post-civil war supplied enough power to build up local, informal grids and, in turn, purchase more generators to increase electricity distribution to the population. But only a small group, typically affluent urban residents, can afford to purchase diesel-powered energy from nearby generators. 

Somaliland's energy transition faces several major challenges. Most significant is the lack of qualified personnel at all levels, limited energy infrastructure, and minimal government participation. Historic clan dynamics and tensions also hinder Somaliland's energy development. While they typically do not restrict personnel movement, communities understandably want a say in their area's infrastructure projects. When outside companies fail to consult with clans before developing infrastructure, it often fails to reflect community needs. 

Meanwhile, virtually all materials for building, scaling, and maintaining Somaliland's energy needs must be imported. And with its natural resources not fully surveyed, energy sources will need to be imported in the immediate future. This problem is further compounded when considering that few ports can serve as import hubs, with Berbera port the major exception. 

Past foreign intervention has repeatedly prioritised donor objectives over those of Somalilanders. International investment has failed to break the private monopoly on the energy market, which has stunted fresh investment. Private control of transmission lines into major urban areas has limited the ability of energy companies to lay new lines to respond to Somaliland's growing energy demands. According to the Somaliland government, the expansion of the energy sector has also been constrained by inadequate financing. A handful of grants, loans, and technical assistance from the World Bank, USAID, European Union, and EU/United Nations Industrial Development Organisation currently provide some support for energy in Somalia. Still, it is unclear how this funding specifically affects energy development in Somaliland.

While other forms of fuel, such as kerosene, require import, charcoal is relatively cheap but comes at a steep environmental price. Charcoal producers fell an estimated 8 million trees annually for Somaliland's charcoal use, not including the firewood rural families use. And despite the UN Security Council Resolution No. 2036 banning charcoal export from Somalia, current estimates indicate that up to 40,000 tonnes of charcoal are illegally exported every year. 

Nearly all households use some amount of firewood, regardless of whether they are rural or urban. Only 17% of households purchase firewood from vendors, as most families collect their own firewood to save money. Both charcoal and firewood have severe health impacts from indoor air pollution, particularly on women who are also burdened with collecting charcoal and firewood.

Another challenge facing Somaliland's energy transition stems from familiarity with charcoal and firewood use. Neighbouring Djibouti, however, offers a valuable model for adopting kerosene stoves since over 90% of the country uses them for cooking. The shared border could allow for cross-cultural pollination of kerosene use, perhaps through a public information campaign to educate communities about their benefits. Kerosene poses another set of health hazards, though, including potential poisoning if consumed. And despite the Somaliland government's encouragement, kerosene remains little used. When surveyed, households cite perceived dangers, perceived unhealthiness, and the expense of both kerosene and stoves to explain their reluctance to transition.

Moreover, replacing charcoal with kerosene would take around 500 litres per tonne of charcoal. If the estimated 8 million trees cut for charcoal each year were immediately replaced with kerosene, Somaliland would need to import around 175,00 tonnes. Without tax incentives, it would place an even greater financial burden on households for energy, even before accounting for transport and storage costs for remote areas. 

Leaving aside the major diplomatic row it has triggered, the recent Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland over sea access might yet offer investment in the latter's renewable energy infrastructure. Current estimates from Somaliland's Ministry of Energy suggest that roughly 1/3 of charcoal sold in Hargeisa originates in Ethiopia; by investing in sustainable energy, Addis could burnish its renewable credentials and lessen the trade deficit between Somaliland and Ethiopia. 

Renewable energy offers a more attractive alternative to Somaliland's energy requirements, particularly with its massive wind and solar potential. Over 50% of Somaliland has consistent 6-meters per second or higher wind speeds, just below what qualifies as a low-cost region for energy. Wind turbines installed near Hargeisa, Boroma, and Burao to pump water have dramatically lowered agricultural costs, far cheaper than the previous diesel generator model.

Somaliland also has exceptional solar and photovoltaic (PV) potential, with more than 310 sunny days a year and a potential energy range from 5 to 7 kilowatt-hours per square meter. Sicily, one of Europe's best solar energy zones, can only boast up to 150 days of sunshine annually. Even with the power provider costs of generation, maintenance, and profits, overall energy expenses should drop with renewable energy investment.

Implementing renewable energy smart microgrids is clearly the fastest and most cost-effective step to solving Somaliland's energy shortage. They offer small-scale projects that can be implemented quickly and provide rapid results. Remote communities worldwide are finding them more effective, faster, and affordable than traditional grid networks, which require massive infrastructure investment and maintenance. Solar panels and wind turbines are increasingly connected to smart microgrids, with diesel generators serving as backup. 

Smart microgrids have the added benefit of accounting for future community expansion. As cities and energy infrastructure expand, microgrids can easily hook up to each other or macrogrids – offering immediate power and future scalability. These small grids further offer community control and a sense of ownership over resources, energy empowerment, and manoeuvrability to changing needs. Somaliland's renewable credentials have immense potential but require investment and support to realise them. The sooner the transition can begin, the better, particularly in our ever-warming world.
 


Abdusamed Artan is a lecturer at the Engineering Department at the University of Nairobi. He has worked in the worked in the energy sector for over 10 years.

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Issue No. 953
A Coronation in Mogadishu – How Clans Stormed the Citadel
The Somali Wire

Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.


21:22 min read 27 Apr
Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Scroll