Issue No. 520

Published 17 Mar 2023

Afwerki is reshaping the Horn in his own image. Does anybody care?

Published on 17 Mar 2023 18:06 min
Afwerki is reshaping the Horn in his own image. Does anybody care?
 
Eritrean strongman Isaias Afwerki is the Horn’s new helmsman - victor, player and mentor-in-chief. Capitalising on recent strategic gains and favourable outcomes in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya, he is quietly reconfiguring the Horn, projecting malign peer influence, and sowing seeds of future conflict and instability. A few Sudanese military leaders are the latest regional actors to join the regional scramble to reset ties with Afwerki. If Afwerki succeeds, he could create a regional 'axis of strongmen' wedded to his vision of militarised, authoritarian state-building. For the Horn’s fragile states like Somalia - inadvertently boxed into picking Asmara as security partner – the resurgence of Eritrea has a destabilising impact.
 
The Vice-Chairman of Sudan’s Sovereignty Council, Gen Hamdan Dagalo “Hemedti”, earlier this week paid a one-day visit to Eritrea for talks with Isaias Afwerki. As is customary, the Eritrean Information Ministry disclosed little about the visit.
 
“President Isaias underlined Eritrea’s stance and firm belief that the problem in Sudan could be only solved by the Sudanese people themselves without interference of foreign actors,” said the Ministry newspaper, Shabait. Gen Hemedti is also cited as congratulating Eritrea for rejoining the regional body, IGAD, even though this has not been made definite yet.
 
Hemedti and Afwerki are kindred spirits and have met many times before. The chemistry between them is good. Each sees himself in the other. They are both shrewd and ruthless domestic and regional players. They have extensive regional structures and networks of influence and support. Hemedti’s influence now stretches from Yemen to the Sahel. Proximity to Moscow, interests in gold mining and other minerals, as well as linkages with the Russian mercenary group, Wagner, all help the two men to find common drop and gel. Hemedti is said to be consolidating power in a bid to eclipse his rival, Gen Abdulfatah al-Burhan. He apparently sees utility in a pact with Afwerki.
 
Hemedti’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are deployed in restive eastern Sudan where Khartoum has been trying to douse a low-grade insurrection by the Beja. Escalated Eritrean meddling in recent years in eastern Sudan has aggravated tensions. A deal with Eritrea would therefore be good for Hemedti politically, but also militarily. It frees up assets and men he now needs to project strength as he jockeys to consolidate his grip on the Sudanese capital as an RSF stronghold.
 
Afwerki sees potential in the youthful Hemedti. He probably is calculating he can forge with the Sudanese general the same strategic partnership and relationship of tutelage he forged five years ago with Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia. In the event of a catastrophic Burhan-Hemedti rupture and armed confrontation, it is plausible Asmara may intervene to lend a hand to its favoured Sudanese ally.
 
Eritrea’s new surge to project power and influence across the Horn is animated by many considerations. One stands out - to insert itself back into IGAD and to progressively “take over” the agenda of the organisation. During his visit to Nairobi recently, Afwerki spent more time talking about why IGAD needed restructuring than why his country deserved to be invited back. His tone was one of petulant entitlement. Eritrea, after all, demonstrated its military and political prowess in the Tigray War, weakened a formidable foe and deserved to be rewarded with a leadership role within IGAD.
 
A Twitter page that is known to reflect the views of the Asmara regime - @NationalER_int - on 16 March hinted at another imperative: to create a security and defence umbrella for the Horn states (one in which it plays a dominant role).   
 
“If the Rapid Support Forces – (RSF) follows the #ENDF, & the Somali Armed Forces strengthen its relationship with the Eritrean Defense Forces (#EDF) & exchanges experience, will put an end to the cowardly plots of attacks or foreign invasions in the region, forever.”
 
Eritrea has a military alliance with Ethiopia and has trained thousands of Somali troops. Asmara is intent on deepening military and security cooperation with Kenya and South Sudan. Since 2018, Afwerki has been marketing the idea of creating a new regional force domiciled in Eritrea that is able to intervene in conflicts. With tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops now in Eritrea, and others from Somalia training there, he arguably has the nucleus of a future Horn force.
 
Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud came into office a year ago with a mindset to disentangle Somalia from Eritrea. Since then, the Horn changed and Afwerki emerged as regional kingmaker. Mogadishu has since resumed cordial ties with Asmara.
 
The West has long chafed at the malign peer influence exerted by Afwerki in the Horn. But by tacitly letting Afwerki get his way in Ethiopia, failing to act to rein him in, it abetted Eritrea’s new rise and potential dominance in the Horn. It must now live with the consequences.

By the Somali Wire team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No.944
Türkiye's Deepwater Reach in Somalia
The Somali Wire

In the 17th century, the Ottoman polymath Kâtip Çelebi penned 'The Gift to the Great on Naval Campaigns', a great tome that analysed the history of Ottoman naval warfare at a moment when Constantinople sought to reclaim maritime supremacy over European powers.


21:14 min read 01 Apr
Issue No. 325
Dammed If They Do
The Ethiopian Cable

Why have one mega-dam when you can have three more? Details are scarce, but Ethiopia has unveiled plans to build three more dams on the Blue Nile, just a few months after the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was completed.


14:12 min read 31 Mar
Issue No. 943
Baidoa Falls and Federal Power Prevails
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia has prevailed in Baidoa. After weeks of ratcheting tensions, South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen proved a paper tiger this morning, unable to resist the massed forces backed by Mogadishu. After several hours of fighting, Somali National Army (SNA) forces and allied Rahanweyne militias now control most of Baidoa and, thus, the future of South West. In turn, Laftagareen is believed to have retreated to the protection of the Ethiopian military at Baidoa's airport, with the bilateral forces having avoided the conflict today.


18 min read 30 Mar
Issue No. 942
A Son Sent to Die in Jihad
The Somali Wire

Last October, Al-Shabaab Inqimasin (suicide assault infantry) overran a National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) base in Mogadishu, freeing several high-ranking jihadist detainees and destroying substantial quantities of intel. A highly choreographed attack, the Inqimasin had disguised their vehicle in official NISA daub, weaving easily through the heavily guarded checkpoints dotting the capital to reach the Godka Jilicow compound before blowing open the gates with a suicide car bomb. In the months since, Al-Shabaab's prodigious media arm-- Al-Kataib Media Foundation-- has drip-fed images and videos drawn from the Godka Jilicow attack, revelling in their infiltration of Mogadishu as well as the dark history of the prison itself. And in a chilling propaganda video broadcast at Eid al-Fitr last week, it was revealed that among the Inqimasin's number was none other than the son of Al-Shabaab's spokesperson Ali Mohamed Rage, better known as Ali Dheere.


22:20 min read 27 Mar
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 941
Echoes of the RRA: Identity and Power in South West State
The Somali Wire

The Rahanweyne Resistance Army (RRA) did not emerge from a shir (conference) in October 1995 to defend a government, nor to overthrow it. Rather, the militia —whose name was even explicit in its defence of a unified Digil-Mirifle identity —arose from the ruin of Bay and Bakool in the years prior, and decades of structural inequalities.


21 min read 25 Mar
Issue No. 324
A War Deferred or Avoided?
The Ethiopian Cable

War has been averted in Tigray-- for now. In early February, tens of thousands of Ethiopian federal soldiers and heavy artillery streamed northwards, readying themselves on the edges of the northernmost region for seemingly imminent conflict.


23:53 min read 24 Mar
Issue No. 940
Baidoa or Bust for Hassan Sheikh
The Somali Wire

The battle for South West—and Somalia's political future—continues apace. With the brittle alliance between South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having broken down spectacularly, the federal government is pouring in arms and forces to oust the Digil-Mirifle leader. Staring down the barrel of the formal opposition holding three Federal Member States and, with it, greater territory, population, and clan, Villa Somalia is looking to exploit intra-Digil-Mirifle grievances—and convince Addis—to keep its monopolistic electoral agenda alive. But this morning, Laftagareen announced a 9-member electoral committee to hastily steer his re-election, bringing the formal bifurcation of the Somali state ever closer.


20:23 min read 23 Mar
Scroll