Issue No. 414

Published 28 Jun 2022

The counter-reform will not be televised

Published on 28 Jun 2022 18:25 min

The counter-reform will not be televised

Somalia risks squandering its rare moment of hope. The promise of change expected under the leadership of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) is in serious jeopardy. A powerful elite with vested interest in continuity is stealthily manoeuvring to emasculate the president, pre-empt change and continue business-as-usual. 

Mapping this obscure force of the counter-reform is hazardous. It definitely includes former cabinet ministers and senior officers in the security services. Many have now rehatted as diehard HSM supporters. They assert tremendous influence over the amorphous and loose network of informal advisers who now form an iron curtain around the presidency. They are mostly affiliated to competing and rival Islamist factions. They are close to the ideology of the Nabad iyo Nolol (N&N). They proclaim fealty to “a strong and assertive” Somalia – often manifested in exaggerated shows of patriotism. Their view of federalism, at best, is ambivalent. Some could be minting money from peddling influence and leveraging their access to the president. In totality, this counter-reform network is at the core of the looming paralysis in Mogadishu.

The president’s reform agenda will no doubt be crippled, unless the head of atate and his smartest advisers realise the risks and move swiftly to change tack. For a start, the process of appointments to key posts now looks rigged. If posts are not allocated in the interest of centralising the ruling Union of Peace and Development (UPD) party control, it is dispersed in a specific direction to appease rival Islamist factions. Either way, merit ceases to matter and becomes irrelevant.

There is no suggestion this broad network is working based on a concrete blueprint. It is instead self-organising, leaderless and animated by a desire to maximise personal and factional gains -political and financial. There is a negatively opportunistic and predatory dynamic now directing appointments. 

The N&N is now rejuvenated. Its members, who still wield influence and have vast resources, are regrouping. Some, among them, are now openly mulling over seizing back power through regional elections.

Politics in Somalia is increasingly elite-driven and factionalised. Clans assert less power. Islamist factions project more power and influence. These trends are now manifesting themselves even more. Intra-elite contestation drives political fragmentation and in the current context, thwarts the prospects for reform.

HSM is an intelligent leader. He at least seems to want to be different from his predecessor Mohammed Abdullahi Farmaajo. If he is sincere about that, then he must recognise the risks this network poses to his administration. In fact, his attempt to centralise and concentrate power in the hands of Dam ul-Jadiid may be partly driven by this apprehension. But he needs to do more. 

Purging the N&N rump is urgent and necessary in order for Somalia to move forward. HSM also needs to be wary of N&N fellow travellers, who dominate the civil society, and who are now busy masquerading as supporters of “isbedeelka” (change). Many of these individuals generally subscribe to the N&N worldview, but do it in a cleverly disguised way that few can discern. 

The president needs to be resolute. He first must dismantle the gatekeepers’ fiefdom and build a transparent and accountable system of access to the presidency. Second, he needs an independent system of analysis and policy innovation. Third, he must reward merit in picking men and women to fill crucial positions in the army, police and intelligence services.

Did we pin too much hope on HSM? Did we downplay the inherent paralysis and inertia of elite politics? Undoubtedly.

It is easy to be pessimistic and hard to brush aside the mounting sense of public unease in recent weeks. But there is no doubt that HSM means well for Somalia. He is an immensely gifted politician. He listens and takes counsel. He means well for the country. He is committed to federalism and constitutionalism. His mild Islamist inclinations are moderate and non- threatening to democratic values. He has moved to rebalance Somalia’s fraught relations with its neighbours. His slogan: "Somaali heshiis ah, dunidana heshiis la ah" (Somalia at peace with itself, at peace with the world) has been interpreted by proponents of authoritarianism as weakness. Much of the current jostling and political ferment within N&N is predicated on the false assumption HSM can be muscled out or undermined with a bit of pressure. 

There is no doubt HSM can achieve more progress in reforming the security sector, rebuilding the federation and completing the constitution. To do that he will need to urgently take strategic advice from friends and to show more resolve in degrading the malign destabilising power N&N exerts in Somalia.

Failure to do that will be to repeat Farmaajo’s disastrous five years all over again.

The Somalia Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 957
How Somalia's South West Vote Went South
The Somali Wire

On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.


17:12 min read 27 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 954
The Malian Mirror
The Somali Wire

A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.


10:18 min read 29 Apr
Issue No. 329
Washington eyes Asmara
The Ethiopian Cable

Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.


0 min read 28 Apr
Scroll