Issue No. 405

Published 15 Jun 2022

Admit nothing, deny everything, make counteraccusations

Published on 15 Jun 2022 24:24 min

Another interview with Fahad Yasin: admit nothing, deny everything, make counteraccusations

Yesterday, Somali Twitter was breathless with speculation over who President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) was likely to nominate as prime minister. And while this is a matter of great importance, it is also just one of several pressing issues in front of HSM: drought and debt relief, reconciliation, completion of the constitution, and the war against Al-Shabaab. But there has also been an equally distracting source of palace intrigue recently, one that – like the other crises listed above – HSM needs to move quickly to address.

Beginning last week, two former National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) directors general, Fahad Yasin and his successor, Yasin Farey, released what seemed to be premeditated and coordinated interviews with friendly, softball media outlets. A milquetoast interview of two former officials (even if one is a sitting MP) wouldn’t normally send shockwaves across the political space and garner so much media attention and outrage. But this is just part of a broader effort at reputation laundering and trying to hobble the new administration with disinformation to evade an accurate accounting of the Farmaajo years.

Yassin Farey, a newly-elected MP from Galmudug state, was formerly the acting NISA director general following Fahad Yasin’s removal from the position. In an interview with the internet-based TV channel SMS-TV, Yassin mainly spoke about his eight-month tenure as NISA chief. He discussed the case of Ikran Tahlil, a former NISA agent whose disappearance and presumed murder Yassin is suspected to have been involved with. Yassin mentioned in the interview that Ikran Tahlil was like any other agent killed in the line of duty. Yet he could not offer a clear explanation of her disappearance or how she died. In response to a question about who killed Ikran, he simply said, “the terrorists [Al-Shabaab] killed her after they kidnaped her.” Yassin also briefly discussed the thousands of Somalis sent to Eritrea for military training, stating that they had been NISA recruits rather than drawn from the Somali National Army (SNA), adding the cryptic comment, “the Eritrea trained soldiers’ file was special and was handed over to the new president.”

Yassin also answered several questions relating to accusations of mismanagement and abuse of power – including the reported meddling by NISA agents during the parliamentary selection process – while he was the acting head of the agency. He evinced little understanding of NISA’s statutory authorities and appeared to view it as simply an extension of the presidency. Yassin denied ever having been affiliated with any Salafist groups such as Al-I’tissam b’il Kitaab or its ideological predecessor, Al-Itihaad Al-Islaam (AIAI). He ended the interview with a hint of contrition – or what could be interpreted as a confession – requesting that the public forgive any crimes that may have been committed under his leadership at NISA.

Fahad Yasin’s interview with another internet-based TV outlet, Galyan Media, has been serialized, released in segments apparently to draw media attention away from the new administration as it takes initial steps to clean up the mess left by the previous administration, in which Fahad played a central role.

Fahad spoke about his childhood upbringing and his membership in both AIAI and AlI’tissam. He briefly discussed his role running NISA (Fahad was acting head of NISA for 10 months prior to being formally appointed DG in August 2019, meaning he effectively ran the agency for nearly three years). Like Yassin Farey, Fahad was self-congratulatory and, with no apparent irony, cited clearing out foreign influence and interference in NISA as one of his main achievements. Fahad also spoke about FGS interference in FMS elections. But he skipped over the FMSs whose presidents he helped install as regime loyalists – Galmudug, South West State, Hirshabelle – and instead discussed Puntland and Jubaland. Fahad was particularly scathing of Jubaland’s relationship with Kenya and called state president Ahmed Madoobe a “cancer in Somali politics.”

In another interview segment, released this week, Fahad addressed the matter of Ikran Tahlil. His narrative diverged significantly from Yassin Farey’s. Fahad claimed she was merely a jobseeker and was never part of NISA. He also offered a much more specific – and inflammatory – explanation of her disappearance and death: a cabal consisting of caretaker PM Mohamed Hussein Roble, Deputy Information Minister Abdirahman Al-Adala, and newly appointed NISA DG Mahad Mohamed Salad (who, at the time, was an MP  from Galmudug) had Ikran abducted and handed her over to Mahad Karate, Al-Shabaab’s head of intelligence, who had her killed. It was a false-flag operation intended to tarnish NISA’s image and, by extension, Fahad himself, as Roble fired him nearly three months after Ikran went missing.

Fahad also tried to implicate Roble in the death of Hirshabelle MP Amina Mohamed Abdi, who was the target of an Al-Shabaab suicide bombing in March. Fahad mentioned that Roble “knows the killers.” Continuing his ad hominem attacks, Fahad suggested that it would be a crime for NISA agents to share classified information with Mahad Salad, saying he is unqualified to lead NISA and, implicitly, a threat to Somalia’s national security.

Asked about criticisms that NISA had grown too close to Al-Shabaab under his leadership, with many inadequately vetted Al-Shabaab defectors joining NISA, Fahad said it was necessary to work with the defectors as a way of getting information and securing Mogadishu. Concerning Somali forces in Eritrea, Fahad contradicted Yassin Farey, claiming it was an internal SNA matter and had nothing to do with NISA, even though the armed forces chief General Odowa Yusuf Rage has denied that the troops sent to Eritrea were his.

Yassin Farey and Fahad Yasin’s interviews occurred amid an aggressive social media campaign by Nabad iyo Nolol (N&N) supporters. Their collective intent appears to be equal parts whitewashing the history of former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s five-year term and trying to undermine and sabotage the new Hassan Sheikh administration. The endgame may be to try to avoid accountability by flooding the political space with a constant stream of lies and invective. After all, men like Yassin Farey and Fahad Yasin know – in some cases literally – where the bodies are buried and could easily implicate their former boss. Sparing them from having to testify under oath is critical not just for their own political futures but for Farmaajo’s as well. And, based on the farcical effort to thank Farmaajo for ending corruption in Somalia by building him a mansion and a “presidential library,” Farmaajo appears determined not to cede the political field anytime soon.

The Somali Wire Team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 952
Fishy Business: IUU Fishing in Somalia
The Somali Wire

With all eyes trained on the Strait of Hormuz blockades and their geopolitical convulsions, discussions and concerns, too, have risen about the perils of other globalised chokepoints, not least the Bab al-Mandab. The threats to the stability of the Bab al-Mandab, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea may not arise principally from the escalatory logic that the US, Iran, and Israel have been locked in, but the threats posed from collapse and contested sovereignty offer little relief. Off Somalia's northern coastline in particular, it is transnational criminal networks — expressed in smuggling, piracy, and, less visibly but no less consequentially, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing — that define the character of offshore insecurity. It is this last phenomenon that provides the foundation on which much of Somalia's maritime disorder is built, and which remains the most consistently neglected.


21:07 min read 24 Apr
Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 951
Federal Overreach in Baidoa Faces Pushback
The Somali Wire

Villa Somalia's triumph in Baidoa may yet turn to ashes. Since the ousting of wary friend-turned-foe, Abdiaziz Laftagareen, in late March, the federal government has ploughed ahead with preparations for state- and district-level elections in South West. Nominally scheduled for next week, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has chosen to reward his stalwart parliamentary ally, Aden Madoobe from the Rahanweyne/Hadaamo, with the regional presidency after some vacillation, naming him the sole Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) candidate


0 min read 22 Apr
Issue No. 328
The TPLF versus the TIA-- again
The Ethiopian Cable

Another showdown over Tigray's political architecture is unfolding, with the future of the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) once again at stake. For much of this year, fears of renewed war have loomed over Ethiopia's northernmost region, with the federal government mobilising substantial forces to the edges of Tigray.


19:44 min read 21 Apr
Issue No. 950
A City Without Its People
The Somali Wire

In Act III, Scene I of William Shakespeare's tragedy Coriolanus, the tribune Sicinius addresses the gathered representatives and, rejecting the disdain the titular character displays towards plebeians, defends them, stating, "What is the city but the people?" Capturing the struggle between the elite and the masses of ancient Rome, the line has remained politically resonant for centuries--emphasising that a city, democracy, and state rely on the people, not just their leader. Or perhaps, not just its buildings. It is a lesson missed by Villa Somalia, though, with the twilight weeks of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's term in office — at least, constitutionally — dominated by the government's twin campaigns in the capital: land clearances and the militarisation of Mogadishu.


20:32 min read 20 Apr
Issue No. 949
The Unravelling of Somalia's Consociational Order
The Somali Wire

On Tuesday, 14 April, the four-year term of Somalia's federal parliament ended, or rather, it didn't. Villa Somalia's (un)constitutional coup of a year-long term extension for the parliament and president in March remains in effect, leaving the institution in a kind of lingering zombie statehood. It is perhaps a fitting denouement for the 11th parliament, whose degeneration has been so thorough that its formal expiration means little in practice.


18:46 min read 17 Apr
Issue No. 125
After Three Years of War, What Is Left of Sudan?
The Horn Edition

Yesterday, 15 April, marked three years of brutal, grinding warfare between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Wholly neglected by a fading international community, many grim landmarks have been passed; another genocide in Darfur, the weaponisation of rape and starvation, another famine, or the desecration of Khartoum, El Fasher, and other major cities. And with no ceasefire or settlement in sight, the war has continued to swell, drawing in each neighbouring African country as tussling Middle Eastern powers grapple for the upper hand-- leaving Sudan in tatters.


28:01 min read 16 Apr
Issue No. 948
Somaliland's Maritime Security Dividends
The Somali Wire

As global energy markets reel from the partial shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz and war insurance premiums skyrocket by nearly 4,000%, an unlikely maritime security provider is emerging as a critical stabiliser in one of the world's most vital shipping corridors. The Somaliland Coast Guard, operating from the port city of Berbera, has quietly begun providing maritime escort services, seeking to reduce shipping insurance costs—and consequently, the price of commodities and energy for consumers across the Horn of Africa and beyond.


22:19 min read 15 Apr
Issue No. 327
The Afterlife of Swinging Addis
The Ethiopian Cable

Most nights in a number of dimly lit bars in Addis Ababa, one can hear a vibraphone hum over a syncopated bassline. The sprightly rhythm is unmistakably jazz, but the scales are Ethiopian; pentatonic, looping and melodic. Five decades after its pioneering by visionary musician Mulatu Astatke, Ethio-jazz remains in full swing, with its renaissance from the late 1990s persevering despite tough political and cultural conditions.


20:12 min read 14 Apr
Scroll