An Overdue Movement: Kenya Confronts its Femicide Crisis
The #EndFemicideKenya movement has triggered one of the largest waves of social activism in recent Kenyan history. The scale of the movement's ongoing demonstrations is fitting, given the urgency of Kenya's femicide crisis. On 27 January alone, thousands of demonstrators in Nairobi, Mombasa, Nakuru, and other cities protested the more than 30 gender-based murders committed that month. As if to underline the importance of the demonstrators' message, sceptical bystanders in Nairobi chanted, "We will kill you" in a widely circulated clip on social media.
On the spectrum of gender-based violence (GBV), Amnesty International describes femicide as the most extreme form. It is the principled act of murder directed at women because they are women. In Kenya, activists have argued the problem is systemic, and statistics support their claim. At least 500 gender-based killings have been reported since 2016, with most cases committed domestically by a friend, relative, or partner, and often in a gruesome manner. A United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime report, however, reported an even higher tally, with 725 murders in 2022 alone. Regardless of the exact number of murders, a third of Kenyan women and girls have suffered sexual violence before age 18, and almost half of Kenyan women experience GBV during their lives. The domestic abuse helpline Usikimye, 'don't be silent' in Swahili, receives upwards of 150 calls a day from women of all backgrounds.
The situation is likely more dire than the statistics indicate. According to the Africa Data Hub, Kenya has a "notable absence of consolidated data." Recognising this gap, movement leaders are demanding the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics prioritise quality data collection. Other demands are similarly sensible and achievable. They include a National Plan of Action to tackle GBV, gender balance requirements in public bodies, responsible standards for reporting GBV, prioritisation of femicide cases within the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, and the outright criminalisation of femicide as a distinctive form of murder.
Even as organisers distance themselves from partisan political interests, the #EndFemicideKenya movement is innately political. Demonstrators have urged the Kenyan government to declare femicide a 'national emergency,' explicitly tying structural misogyny in Kenya to the GBV epidemic. On social media, activists have called for a countrywide anti-femicide campaign led by the government. Meeting these demands is well within the government's ability, but action has been slow.
Kenya's judicial system has also failed to address its massive backlog of GBV cases. Law Society of Kenya President and demonstrator Eric Theuri has highlighted the critical shortage of "about 100 judges" as well as "200 magistrates and adjudicators." With the "wheel of justice grind[ing] slowly," suspected offenders of GBV and femicide can leave custody after paying their bonds. In the months and years between their arrest and trial, if it ever gets that far, many re-offend. Kenyan police have been repeatedly accused of failing to take cases of GBV seriously, allowing perpetrators to continue freely committing crimes.
Some politicians have even shared derogatory remarks, either blaming victims for their murders or focusing on unrelated drivers of violence. For example, Member of Parliament Sabina Chege of Murang'a County said on 30 January, "What comes easy goes easy. Girls need to know how to work hard. There is no free money in this world." It appears lost on Chege that nobody is asking for free money, nor that no relationship exists between how 'hard' a woman works and her likelihood of being murdered.
South Africa's own movement targeting an end to GBV and femicide should give Kenyan activists some hope. There, President Cyril Ramaphosa and the government launched a National Strategic Plan, calling GBV "a blight on our national consciousness and a betrayal of our constitutional order." But even with a degree of political will, funding and training police and government officials on legislative changes in South Africa has been insufficient, and reform has been slow. Still, the spotlight the #EndFemicideKenya movement has thrown upon GBV should be capitalised upon to begin the critical reforms that are so urgently needed to protect women and girls in Kenya.
By the Horn Edition team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
In social psychology, the term "desperation conundrum" refers to a psychological paradox wherein an acute, extreme, or severe need for an objective inadvertently impedes its attainment. This occurs because an intense sense of urgency frequently drives choices and behaviours that alienate the very outcome that is so desperately sought.
Somalia’s contemporary political trajectory is profoundly defined by the month of October. Within the Somali collective consciousness, October is not merely another page on the calendar; it is the recurring crucible of political upheaval, tragedy and systemic transformation.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has since 10 October been deploying National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) forces, specifically the little-known Public Protection Forces (Ilaalada Shacabka / People’s Protection Forces), in Wadajir. This mobilisation is concentrated close to the home of ex-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed – a development widely criticised by many Somalis as provocative. Some interpret the build-up as a prelude, possibly, to some form of armed action against the former president and leader of the opposition Somali Future Council, amid uncorroborated media reports that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has used Abgaal clan elders to relay an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Sharif and other opposition figures.
It’s been a bruising week for the Somali Federal Government (FGS), headed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose constitutional term of office expired in May this year. Yesterday, forces aligned with the administration of Jubaland peacefully took control of the strategic border town of Beled Haawo in Somalia’s Gedo region – a lucrative customs post for trade and transit with Kenya. Roughly 1,000 Daraawiish paramilitaries loyal to Abdirashid Hassan Janan – a fickle politician who is notorious for changing sides in a volatile region – reportedly deployed across key sites in the town following negotiations with the previous local administration.
Plans are intensifying within Hiiraan to establish an autonomous "Hiiraan State." This development reflects deep-seated regional and clan cleavages reasserting themselves in local politics, set against the backdrop of a stalled federal process, a breakdown in talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) and the opposition Somalia Future Council (SFC), and an unravelling Somali federation.
Nearly a month has passed since a powerful blast destroyed the home of General Mahad, widely known as Taliye Shub, in Doolow, a political dissident who opposed the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.
On 5 September, Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro arrived in the United States for an informal working visit designed to launch a new diplomatic push to cement Hargeisa's rising geopolitical profile. Monitored closely both regionally and internationally, the high-stakes trip carries immense domestic expectations. It represents an ambitious diplomatic outreach by Hargeisa to Washington, capitalising on the momentum generated by Israel's formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. However, translating this sudden diplomatic visibility into tangible strategic prospects remains a formidable challenge.
Turkey yesterday crossed a perilous threshold in Somalia when it used its military air assets not for counterterrorism purposes but as a partisan tool in local Somali political warfare.