Somaliland’s Recognition Angst
Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.
The visit comes some six months after Israel’s formal diplomatic recognition of Somaliland (December 2025). The anticipated wave of international recognition has not materialised, remaining a source of some unease. While the optics in Jerusalem make for good headlines and are certain to enthuse Somalilanders, concerns over flagging public morale may mount if no other state follows Israel’s example in the coming months.
So far, domestic public consensus overwhelmingly supports the recognition agenda and favours relations with Israel. However, localised dissent persists, especially among Islamist factions, notably in the ranks of the Salafist Al-I'tisaam movement. Concurrently, public sentiment reflects growing dissatisfaction over perceived diplomatic stagnation from historical partners like the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia.
Policy shift
The initial post-recognition euphoria appears to be transitioning into a more pragmatic outlook; a positive power in managing expectations. In his 18 May Independence anniversary speech, President Irro tackled the problem head-on - hinting that recognition is an extended process rather than a singular breakthrough, whilst appealing for patience and realism. The president praised Somaliland’s stability, democratic self-governance and resilience and reiterated his administration’s determination to step up the campaign for international recognition. He signalled a policy shift from ‘waiting for recognition’ and toward ‘making recognition undeniable’ by deepening bilateral diplomatic engagement with states. To institutionalise the new policy, Irro inaugurated the Somaliland Independence and Recognition Institute (SIRI) in Hargeisa to be headed by Sir Gavin Williamson, a UK Conservative Party politician and long-time campaigner for Somaliland’s recognition.
Unease with the UAE
At the core of Somaliland’s angst over recognition lies the United Arab Emirates - Somaliland’s premier strategic ally, primary foreign investor, and operator of the critical Port of Berbera. While Abu Dhabi rhetorically supports Somaliland's statehood, it remains highly reluctant to grant unilateral formal recognition, preferring to let other states take the lead. This hesitation is driven by acute diplomatic pressure from regional rivals, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey. The Iran War and its unstable post-conflict outlook further reinforce the UAE’s policy of ambiguity and diplomatic hedging. To mitigate backlash, Abu Dhabi has, in the last year, shifted the burden of promoting Somaliland to DP World, operating on the premise that platforming Somaliland as a geoeconomic hub attracts less geopolitical hostility while serving Hargeisa’s long-term interests. However, this corporate-centric ‘platforming’ approach risks losing traction in Hargeisa in the long-term if it remains the UAE’s strategic default position. Following Israel's formal recognition, the UAE is certain to face ever-mounting pressure to pivot from its traditional "cooperation without recognition" paradigm to full diplomatic statehood; failure to do so will severely deepen domestic disillusionment with Abu Dhabi.
Disappointment with Ethiopia
Despite Hargeisa viewing Ethiopia as a primary candidate for formal recognition, intensive diplomatic lobbying over the past 18 months to finalise and recast the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed under the previous Muse Abdi Bihi administration has stalled. Negotiations faced significant friction: granting Ethiopia sovereign sea access and military basing rights proved domestically contentious for Hargeisa, while Somaliland remained frustrated by Addis Ababa's reluctance to utilise the Port of Berbera. Furthermore, to preempt Egyptian military deployment to Somalia, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed engaged in Turkish-led mediation with Mogadishu. This engagement restricted Ethiopia's room for unilateral manoeuvre regarding Somaliland and generated strong pushback from the AU, EU, UN, and Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Under this concentrated pressure, Abiy has effectively retreated from the MoU, shifting his strategic focus toward maritime access via Eritrea's Assab port—even through potential military force—while relentless pressure from Djibouti’s President Guelleh has seen Somaliland drop further down the priority list in Ethiopia's foreign policy matrix.
Eritrea-Ethiopia volatility
The regional security outlook also remains highly uncertain. The risk of a conventional border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia is elevated, exacerbated by a deteriorating humanitarian and security situation in Tigray despite intense diplomatic pressure from the United States. In a hot conflict scenario, Ethiopia will almost certainly shelve any consideration of formalising ties with Somaliland. Conversely, a low-probability détente between Addis Ababa and Asmara could alleviate regional pressures, potentially reopening a window for Ethiopia to re-engage with Hargeisa.
Al-I'tisaam – Short-term nuisance, long-term threat
Domestic anti-recognition sentiments, so far, predominantly emanate from local Salafist factions even though aggressive rhetoric remains sporadic, with no current evidence of widespread, institutionalised and organised radicalisation. However, this equilibrium might change. Jama'at Al-I'tisaam (Al-I’tisaam bil-Kitaab was-Sunnah) stands as the most influential, organised Salafist movement in Somaliland. Characterised by an amorphous, secretive, and non-hierarchical structure, Al-I'tisaam possesses significant financial leverage, with deep investments spanning lucrative sectors including import-export, fuel logistics, financial services, construction, real estate, and telecommunications. While the movement officially advocates for non-violent methods to establish an Islamic state, its internal political alignments are deeply fractured. A prominent faction favors political reunification with Somalia and strongly opposes Somaliland’s diplomatic ties with Israel. Conversely, another internal faction offers mild, conditional support to the Irro administration, though they remain reluctant to publicly confront the state over the Israel file.
Israel’s December 2025 recognition fundamentally altered Somaliland's geopolitical status, transitioning it from an unrecognised ‘breakaway’ territory to a ‘partially-recognised’ state. Leveraging this new status, the Irro administration has launched an ambitious diplomatic offensive prioritising non-traditional partners to ‘make recognition undeniable.’
The coming months and years will tell if Irro’s recalibrated recognition strategy will be efficacious – and the bigger point: whether Israel’s recognition has produced a chilling effect likely to stall momentum.
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.
Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.
While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.
Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.
Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.
A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.
On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.
Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.