Issue No. 18

Published 18 Jan 2024

What is becoming of multilateralism?

Published on 18 Jan 2024 11:32 min

What is becoming of multilateralism?

Today's regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) body's 48th Extraordinary Session is facing a challenge to its legitimacy and influence. Hosted in Kampala by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the meeting of heads of state and government is set to tackle ongoing armed conflict in Sudan and the diplomatic fallout from the recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Ethiopia and Somaliland, among other topics. But in the space of just a couple of days, Sudanese and Ethiopian delegations withdrew from participating, albeit for radically different reasons. Their withdrawal, and regional leaders’ inability to chart a path through the Sudanese war, speaks to a broader dilemma of multilateral institutions in the Horn of Africa amid the rise of Gulf influence in an increasingly multi-polar world.

On Tuesday 16 January, the Sudanese Foreign Ministry announced that it had withdrawn from the summit in protest over the invitation of Rapid Support Force (RSF) leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo 'Hemedti.' The statement alleged that IGAD had set a "dangerous precedent" by inviting the paramilitary commander, who has signalled that he will attend. An Ethiopian statement, meanwhile, cited scheduling conflicts to explain its absence from today's meeting. The absence of two key governments from this Extraordinary Summit, when disputes in which they are involved are central to the agenda, will likely undermine IGAD's ability to fully engage with both issues effectively. 

The withdrawal of the Republic of Sudan, and thereby the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), is a blow to the regional bloc, which has sought a ceasefire between the army and its former paramilitary allies. It is a blow to all those looking beyond temporary ceasefires. Unlike the limited scope of the Jeddah process, led by the US and Saudi Arabia, IGAD was positioned to utilise its political framework to facilitate a meeting between Hemedti and SAF Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan that could pave the way for a sustainable ceasefire. 

At the same time, the African Union (AU) finally appointed a high-level panel to work to resolve the Sudanese armed conflict. Mohamed Ibn Chambas, the AU High Representative for Silencing the Guns, has been appointed as Chair, with the former Ugandan Vice President Speciosa Wandira-Kazibiwe and former head of the AU Transition Mission in Somalia Francisco Madeira completing the three-person panel. The appointment of the panel should be cautiously welcomed, and may help to get peace efforts back on track. Yet the creation of another negotiating track could further muddy crowded diplomatic endeavours on Sudan. It is also unclear how the panel relates to the UN Secretary General's Personal Envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra, or the still unnamed IGAD Special Representative. Mix-and-match peace efforts appear to have allowed the SAF and RSF to continue to engage how and when they like, making promises on humanitarian access that are quickly broken. But even if the negotiating body is forced to change, again, IGAD’s framing of the Sudanese conflict should not be abandoned as it best reflects the political realities of the war.

It seems neither IGAD nor the AU holds the sway they once did. A central reason is that governments in the Horn are increasingly searching for financial support from assertive Gulf powers, to pursue their domestic agendas. In recent years, these powers, largely Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, have sought to secure influence and national security interests in their regional backyard, with major implications.

Countries, not just in the Horn, are increasingly dismissive of international norms and institutions meant to ameliorate the excesses of autocracies and wayward governments. Multilateral institutions like the AU are finding themselves in a bind, deriving their authority and legitimacy from sovereign states that no longer abide, or even pay lip service to, their most fundamental principles. The founding documents of the AU in the early 2000s emerged out of a post-colonial era marked by internecine warfare, famine and failed states. But the haphazard application of AU principles today has undermined their value. Illiberal multilateralism and political paralysis now arguably define the continent's predominant organisation. 

It would be wrong, however, to dismiss the significance of IGAD, which still represents the best hope for multilateralism in the Horn. Armed conflict in Sudan and fallout from the Ethiopia-Somaliland MOU aren't the only topics on the agenda today. Two IGAD members, Kenya and Uganda, are grappling over Nairobi's refusal to license a Ugandan-owned oil marketer to manage Kampala's fuel imports. On 28 December, Uganda filed a lawsuit against Kenya to force it to allow the Uganda National Oil Corporation a local license. Ugandan President Museveni and Kenyan President Ruto are scheduled to meet on the sidelines of the summit to hopefully end the increasingly costly dispute. Moreover, IGAD's summit today is not the flashpoint of struggling multilateralism, but rather a continuation of global challenges over the past decade. IGAD should refrain from forceful pronouncements on either side of the conflicts on the agenda in Entebbe. In the absence of key members, any resolution risks being perceived as biased, undermining the credibility and authority of the organisation. Instead, IGAD should eschew such politicisation, reinforcing the organisation's status as a platform for collective, consensus-based action and taking concrete measures to empower the Secretariat as a neutral, professional platform for dispute resolution.

Still, there needs to be an honest appraisal of shifting power across the Horn. Pretending that politics today is business as usual only undermines the relevance and influence of important bodies like the AU and IGAD. Only with clear-sighted analysis that the world is warming, war is proliferating, and accepted international norms are being ignored can these bodies reposition themselves to serve the populations of their member states.

By the Horn Edition team

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 965
The Somaliland-Ethiopia MoU: Ethiopia Missed a Milestone While Somaliland Avoided a Historic Mistake
The Somali Wire

The Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was hailed as a historic breakthrough. In reality, it was a strategic gamble built on contradictions—and its apparent failure may prove to be a blessing in disguise for Somaliland and Ethiopia.


6:03 min read 10 Jul
Issue No. 964
Part II/The Human Rights Deficit in Somalia's New Penal Code
The Somali Wire

For the first time in over six decades, Somalia has overhauled its foundational criminal law - the 1962 Law No. 5. Now awaiting parliamentary and presidential approval, the Draft Somali Penal Code (SPC) nonetheless struggles with multiple hurdles and will likely face significant objection, not least, from Somalia’s Western partners and liberal-minded younger generation of Somalis disappointed with the new text’s failure to break away from its historical illiberal roots.


16 min read 08 Jul
Issue No. 963
Part I/The Fault Lines in Somalia’s Penal Reform
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has published a new Draft Somalia Penal Code (SPC) - marking its first comprehensive legal overhaul in 64 years. The 136-page draft was first submitted to Parliament in January 2026 and underwent its first reading but the process of endorsing it became entangled with the escalating electoral and constitutional dispute, forcing the government to shelve it. The changes aim to update the 1962 Law No. 5 Penal Code and codify Islamic criminal law (uqubat). If endorsed by parliament and approved by the President, they will formally embed the three pillars of the Sharia punitive framework into the statute - fixed punishments (hudud), retributive justice (qisas), and statutory judicial discretion (ta'zir).


16:49 min read 03 Jul
Issue No. 129
Centring North Eastern Kenya - The Rise Of Kenya's Ethnic Somalis
The Horn Edition

A president does not pay a visit to Wajir by accident. When William Samoei Ruto chose Wajir as the centre stage for Kenya’s Madaraka Day celebrations on 1 June — the first sitting president to do so — he was not merely varying the ceremonial calendar. He was making a premeditated statement about who belongs at the centre of Kenya’s state and who no longer belongs at its margins. The message was not merely ‘taking Nairobi to NorthEastern.’ It was the centring and mainstreaming of an ethnic Somali-dominated region that, for much of Kenya’s post-colonial history, has been treated as a security issue rather than a political constituency.


28:45 min read 26 Jun
Issue No. 962
Somaliland’s Recognition Angst
The Somali Wire

Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro’s trip to Israel in June (from 14-17) was far more than symbolism. Not only was it a calculated strategic diplomatic play, and a chance for Somaliland to appear on the world stage, but also an opportunity for Somaliland to present itself as a fully-functional state, able to conduct foreign relations and cut bilateral deals. Irro, a seasoned former diplomat, navigated the intricate demands of state protocol with remarkable ease - cutting an immaculate, regal figure in his navy-blue suit. Accorded full head-of-state honours, he laid a wreath at the Theodore Herzl mausoleum, engaged in high-level talks with President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opened the new Somaliland embassy in Jerusalem and convened meetings with Knesset members, senior officials, and business leaders. For Israel, hosting President Abdirahman Irro in Jerusalem functioned to signal its strong commitment to deepening strategic ties while also countering perceptions of waning diplomatic momentum.


22:37 min read 24 Jun
Issue No. 961
Deciphering Al-Shabaab's Radio Silence
The Somali Wire

Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.


20 min read 17 Jun
Issue No. 960
The Galmudug Vote – The Next Powder Keg
The Somali Wire

While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.


7:13 min read 10 Jun
Issue No. 959
Mogadishu on the Edge: The Danger Has Not Passed
The Somali Wire

Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.


10:12 min read 08 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Scroll