Eritrea’s Last Free Media Outlet Under Threat
Eritrea's only independent radio station is at risk of closure. Since 2009, Radio Erena– run out of a small Parisian apartment in the 13th arrondissement – has published daily news, culture and sports on the secretive Horn of Africa nation. It has been one of the few glimmers of light in Eritrea's highly repressed media environment, but the station, which broadcasts via satellite, a mobile app, and the internet, now faces funding shortages that could force it to go dark. If this were to happen, it would be a travesty, with Eritreans inside and outside of the country nearly wholly deprived of reliable, non-partisan news. And with the Asmara regime increasingly returning to the regional fore as a self-proclaimed 'kingmaker', any diminished scrutiny on the Isaias Afwerki administration should be cause for alarm.
For years, the small diasporic Eritrean collection of journalists and broadcasters backed by Reporters San Frontiers, the global NGO supporting freedom of information and press, has admirably resisted the torrent of divisive rhetoric from Asmara. In August 2012, the station came under cyber attack from the Eritrean regime, bringing it down for three weeks. It was a clear sign of just how seriously Asmara perceives Radio Erena as a threat to its firm grip over choreographed news.
Eritrea remains one of the most isolated countries in the world, with only a fraction having access to the internet and outside information. Nevertheless, over 500,000 people in the country have been estimated to regularly listen to its two hours of daily broadcasting. With transmission via NileSat, listeners in Eritrea can tune into Radio Erena on the 11678 Mhz frequency with a vertical polarisation of SR 27500 and FEC 3/4. What is broadcast is a welcome change from the usual toxic nonsense that emanates from Eritrea's state propaganda outfits. For instance, Radio Erena has recently published several stories on the Eritrean military involvement in eastern Sudan- a poorly understood and much under-reported element of the raging war. Asmara has long ties with militias such as the Beja Congress and others, which it has increasingly accessed to provide military support for the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).
More broadly, there has been a degree of increasing coverage of Eritrea in recent years, particularly during the Tigray war, where the Eritrean Defence Forces laid waste to much of Ethiopia's northern region. Other reporting has focused on Brigade N'Hamedu-- the youth movement that has directly targeted the regime's so-called 'cultural festivals' that work to intimidate the diaspora, whitewash their crimes and raise funds for the repressive government. But since the fighting in Tigray halted in November 2022, international attention on the region and the ongoing occupation of its territory by Eritrea has been sorely missing. Moreover, analysis and news on Eritrea and what emerges from it are often haphazard and of dubious quality. Radio Erena is one of the few outlets producing consistent, accurate information from the country.
Regime officials in Asmara must surely be gleeful at the prospect of the station closing. For over 20 years, the government has sought to diminish any scrutiny of its immense human rights violations, military excursions into neighbouring states, and the lack of any democratic state-building. The definitive erasure of the limited free press in Eritrea occurred on 18 September 2001 in the aftermath of 9/11, with eyes trained on the US. Known as 'Black Tuesday,' 7 independent newspapers were banned, and 11 senior government officials who had publicly advocated for greater political freedoms and reforms were jailed. Several are thought to have died in prison. Overseen by the newly-appointed Information Minister Naizghi Kiflu, who called journalists a "bunch of rodents," all media houses were immediately instructed to cease printing. That was later revised in favour of heavily curtailed propaganda, with many arbitrary changes imposed on music and literature by his successor. Eritrea routinely ranks at the bottom or near the bottom in the Reporters San Frontieres yearly breakdown of the country's respect for press freedom. A 1 December 2023 report by the Committee to Protect Journalists also estimated that 16 journalists were currently imprisoned in Eritrea -- the highest of any African country.
Today, the overwhelming majority of Eritreans pay little attention to the endless churn of propaganda coming out of Eri-TV, the state broadcaster that often fails to comment on seismic international events. Famously, Eri-TV chose not to cover the Arab Spring and the ousting of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, likely not to reveal to Eritreans the possibilities of mass protest and armed uprisings against long-serving dictators. Other state media, such as Hadas Eritrea and Radio Dimtsi Hafash, produce little of note, simply pumping out the talking points of Isaias and other senior government officials.
Press freedom in the Horn of Africa is an increasingly scarce thing, with freedom of the press dwindling in both Ethiopia and Somalia, as well as devastated by the conflict in Sudan. Journalists are increasingly harassed, jailed, and killed, while disinformation and misinformation campaigns from various administrations have become ever more common, and may accelerate further yet with the advent of Artificial Intelligence. Radio Erena is needed now more than ever. This is an Eritrean regime that has been dangerously emboldened by the waning of Ethiopia as a regional hegemon— and wants to play a central, autocratic role in the trajectory of the Horn. Despite the nature of the regime having barely changed and remaining just as internally and externally violent as ever, some are increasingly sanitising Asmara, seemingly content to reengage with one of the world's most uniquely destabilising administrations. In this context, the importance of bringing the machinations of Asmara and international events to the public in Eritrea and the diaspora can hardly be overstated-- many would pay a dear price if Radio Erena were to close.
By The Ethiopian Cable Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Two days of heavy clashes (3–4 June) in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, between federal troops and opposition-aligned forces have underscored both the fragility of the city’s security environment and the volatility of electoral politics. Although relative calm has since returned to the two hardest-hit districts - Hawl Wadaag and Abdiaziz - and mediation efforts have intensified, tensions remain high, fuelling fears of renewed armed skirmishes. Credible reports of mass clan militia mobilisation on the edges of Mogadishu speak to a conflict that is widening. The militarisation of politics and elite fragmentation over the electoral process have shattered a core assumption: that Somali leaders will ultimately step back from the brink to negotiate a way forward. Consequently, the country is entering a perilous phase in which domestic factions alone cannot resolve the impasse, making neutral, external mediation a necessity.
Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.
A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.
On 10 May, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) unilaterally conducted its contentious 'one-person-one-vote' (OPOV) electoral model in South West State (SWS), directly overriding opposition demands for a negotiated, consensus-based framework. Crucially, the very laws underpinning these OPOV elections are themselves deeply contested: the electoral framework was created following a rushed revision of Somalia’s constitution that many federal member states and opposition groups rejected. The vote, exclusively managed by the National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), saw localised polling in 13 districts and across 126 poll centres and 276 stations. While 376,212 citizens were registered, actual turnout reached 132,430 voters - a participation rate of approximately 35.2% - with 128,276 valid ballots cast and 4,154 deemed spoilt/invalid. The electoral outcome, unsurprisingly, solidified a decisive mandate for Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP); the governing party secured an absolute majority of 51 out of 95 contested legislative seats, comfortably outpacing its closest rival, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden’s Ururka Horumarka, which claimed 14 seats.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.
Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.
'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.
A foreign-backed president, a besieged capital city, and a jihadist movement affiliated with Al-Qaeda-- this time not Somalia, but Mali. Late last week, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the transnational Salafist-jihadist group in Mali, stormed across much of the country's north, as well as entering Bakamo and assassinating the defence minister. The coordinated offensive-- in conjunction with the Tuareg separatist movement, the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF)-- has left the military junta reeling, and forced the withdrawal of their Russian allies from a number of strategic towns.
Last week, a bombshell Wall Street Journal article revealed that Washington was exploring a reset in relations with Eritrea, with US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos having met privately with senior regime officials in Egypt. Any normalisation of ties now appears to be on ice, with the reaction to Boulos's meetings — facilitated by Egypt — having been met with short shrift. But the episode speaks to broader issues about American foreign policy in the Horn and the accelerating reconfiguration of the Red Sea political order, which will not go away simply because this particular overture may have stalled.