From War to Welfare
As international support continues to return to Ethiopia, Addis has secured substantial financial backing from institutions like the IMF and World Bank, as well as renewed sovereign loans from individual governments. Yet this influx of funds has done little to alleviate the hardships faced by ordinary Ethiopians. Soaring inflation, particularly in the cost of food and fuel, has made basic necessities unaffordable, while millions remain dependent on humanitarian aid to survive. Far from easing the burden on Ethiopian citizens, potential financial lifelines highlight a troubling disconnect between international support and the realities on the ground, where both rural and urban communities continue to grapple with rising poverty and economic instability.
Ethiopia, with a population estimated at over 130 million in 2024, once celebrated rapid economic growth that halved extreme poverty and improved health and education. But these achievements are now unravelling under the strain of inflation exceeding 35%, global supply chain disruptions, extreme weather events, and protracted armed conflict in parts of Tigray, Amhara and Oromia. These crises have destabilised agriculture, displaced millions and deepened food insecurity, with over 20 million people now requiring urgent assistance.
The government’s allocation of resources is now under scrutiny, particularly its focus on military expenditure. Ongoing unrest, particularly the Fano insurgency in Amhara, has prompted escalating military spending, reportedly exceeding USD 1 billion during the Tigray war alone. This focus on military solutions strains Ethiopia’s budget, diverting resources from critical sectors like healthcare, education and infrastructure. Consequently, poverty rates have surged to 68.7%, with Ethiopia now ranking 175th on the Human Development Index and 145th in progress toward the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Ethiopia has recently implemented significant economic reforms to secure bailouts from the IMF and World Bank. These have included a market-based exchange rate, removing most restrictions on current accounts, and modernising monetary policies. Among the most notable changes is the floating of the birr, which has served to align it with black market rates, and a 14 November revision to the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) that allows exporters to retain 50% of their foreign currency earnings. While these reforms are intended to address inflation, foreign currency shortages and mounting debt, they have in fact exacerbated price instability and eroded purchasing power, further burdening the average Ethiopian.
These reforms also signal a shift from the developmental state model championed by former PM Meles Zenawi, which prioritised state intervention and infrastructure-driven growth. By contrast, Abiy Ahmed’s administration has embraced a free-market approach, selling off public industries and welcoming privatisation. While Meles’ policies sought to lay a foundation for democracy and middle-class growth, Abiy’s strategy appears driven by the immediate need for foreign investment, often at the expense of social safety nets.
Despite significant international support, there is growing concern that much of the financial assistance intended to aid Ethiopia’s most vulnerable populations is instead being diverted to sustain ongoing armed conflicts in Amhara and Oromia.Rather than stabilising the economy or rebuilding infrastructure in conflict-affected regions, resources appear to be disproportionately absorbed by military operations. This diversion not only prolongs political instability but also undermines urgent recovery efforts, leaving displaced communities and struggling populations without the support they desperately need amid a worsening humanitarian crisis.
The destruction still prominent across Tigray, and now in Amhara and Oromia, starkly contrasts with high-profile government projects, such as the renovation of Meskel Square in Addis Ababa. These development projects, while visually striking, highlight a troubling prioritisation of image over substance. Outside the capital, infrastructure remains in shambles, aid is insufficient, and millions of displaced Ethiopians are struggling to rebuild or sustain their lives. Agricultural disruptions caused by armed conflict and extreme climate events exacerbate inflation, while supply chains remain broken and rural economies grind to a halt.
Ethiopia’s strategic importance continues to attract foreign investment, particularly from the UAE and China, who view the country as a gateway to the Horn. Western nations, wary of ceding influence, remain engaged but often tie financial support to governance reforms. This geopolitical competition underscores Ethiopia’s ongoing global significance, but does little to address its domestic crises.
The current trajectory of the Ethiopian government is unsustainable, with military spending and vanity projects overshadowing the urgent need for meaningful humanitarian aid, development assistance and reform. Ethiopia faces mounting inflation, deepening poverty and persistent instability, yet resources are being diverted from rebuilding and addressing citizens’ most basic needs. Without a decisive strategy to stabilise the economy, rebuild infrastructure and prioritise public welfare, Ethiopia risks further entrenching its dependence on foreign aid and further exacerbating the struggles of its people.
International support and economic reform offer opportunities to effectively address these challenges, but their impact is currently undermined by misplaced priorities. Military operations and superficial development cannot replace the comprehensive recovery efforts and governance reform essential for Ethiopia’s brighter future. To escape cycles of poverty, armed conflict, political unrest and economic instability, the Federal Government of Ethiopia must shift its focus from war to welfare, channelling resources towards rebuilding lives, fostering growth and restoring trust.
By The Ethiopian Cable Team
Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.
Create your Sahan account LoginUnlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content
Ethiopia’s leaders are fighting a new war with an old conviction: that military victory can permanently settle the question of who owns the state. But the coalition that encircled Tigray in 2020 has fractured, the regional balance has shifted, and drone capabilities are spreading to the government’s opponents. The battlefield looks familiar, but the strategic conditions are profoundly different. The danger lies in mistaking the temporary capture of territory for the resolution of deep-seated conflict, a ruinous road Ethiopia has travelled before; its towns bear the scars, and its people carry the losses.
In social psychology, the term "desperation conundrum" refers to a psychological paradox wherein an acute, extreme, or severe need for an objective inadvertently impedes its attainment. This occurs because an intense sense of urgency frequently drives choices and behaviours that alienate the very outcome that is so desperately sought.
Somalia’s contemporary political trajectory is profoundly defined by the month of October. Within the Somali collective consciousness, October is not merely another page on the calendar; it is the recurring crucible of political upheaval, tragedy and systemic transformation.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has since 10 October been deploying National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) forces, specifically the little-known Public Protection Forces (Ilaalada Shacabka / People’s Protection Forces), in Wadajir. This mobilisation is concentrated close to the home of ex-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed – a development widely criticised by many Somalis as provocative. Some interpret the build-up as a prelude, possibly, to some form of armed action against the former president and leader of the opposition Somali Future Council, amid uncorroborated media reports that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has used Abgaal clan elders to relay an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Sharif and other opposition figures.
It’s been a bruising week for the Somali Federal Government (FGS), headed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), whose constitutional term of office expired in May this year. Yesterday, forces aligned with the administration of Jubaland peacefully took control of the strategic border town of Beled Haawo in Somalia’s Gedo region – a lucrative customs post for trade and transit with Kenya. Roughly 1,000 Daraawiish paramilitaries loyal to Abdirashid Hassan Janan – a fickle politician who is notorious for changing sides in a volatile region – reportedly deployed across key sites in the town following negotiations with the previous local administration.
Plans are intensifying within Hiiraan to establish an autonomous "Hiiraan State." This development reflects deep-seated regional and clan cleavages reasserting themselves in local politics, set against the backdrop of a stalled federal process, a breakdown in talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) and the opposition Somalia Future Council (SFC), and an unravelling Somali federation.
Nearly a month has passed since a powerful blast destroyed the home of General Mahad, widely known as Taliye Shub, in Doolow, a political dissident who opposed the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
While Mogadishu’s elite were ensconced in the Hangar complex last week praising Turkey, berating its critics, and proclaiming a ‘New Somalia’, the country's periphery told a vastly different story - one where "old Somalia," with its deep-seated clan feuds and the brutal calculus of blood and retaliation, remained stubbornly intact.
On 5 September, Somaliland President Abdirahman Irro arrived in the United States for an informal working visit designed to launch a new diplomatic push to cement Hargeisa's rising geopolitical profile. Monitored closely both regionally and internationally, the high-stakes trip carries immense domestic expectations. It represents an ambitious diplomatic outreach by Hargeisa to Washington, capitalising on the momentum generated by Israel's formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. However, translating this sudden diplomatic visibility into tangible strategic prospects remains a formidable challenge.