Issue No. 156

The Battle of Adwa: an ‘Oromhara’ Victory?
  

The first of March traditionally marks the commemoration of the Battle of Adwa in 1896, during which the troops of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II beat the colonial army of the King of Italy. This victory is still widely celebrated as the first by an ‘indigenous’ population over a European nation. Like all memorial celebrations, it is the object of pride, but also a focus for political renewal. 
 
Last week, on the 127th anniversary of the battle, Ethiopian President Zewde Sahle-Work gave a speech in Menelik Square before laying a wreath at the feet of the emperor's statue. She referred to the victory of Adwa as the foundation stone of Pan-Africanism. According to a media outlet close to the government, the president "called on all Ethiopians to preserve the spirit of the Victory of Adwa and nurture a culture of dialogue to accelerate the nation building process and pass on a unified and prosperous Ethiopia for generations to come."
 
On the same occasion, references to ‘Oromhara’ pride have been popping up on social media. The term is coined from the names of the two main ethnic groups in Ethiopia-- the Oromo and the Amhara. The average observer might think this a national and fraternal union between two peoples with sometimes fractious relations.  But the idea of ‘One Ethiopia’ is at the heart of the ruling Prosperity Party's political platform, embodied by Abiy Ahmed, portraying himself as being both Amhara and Oromo.
 
The veneer of unity therefore quickly cracks; it becomes clear that union is little more than ‘alliance against.’ For many ‘Oromhara’-oriented activists, revenge should be taken against the Tigrayans. Some even espouse a desire to return to the dergue, a military regime dominated by Amharas and Oromos. ‘Oromhara’ ideology can be seen as the raw version of the ‘One Ethiopia’ agenda of the Prosperity Party, stripped of political correctness, studded with inflammatory hate speech. This hatred can also extend to westerners perceived as colonizers. It is here that we find confluence with the “No More” movement, meaning "no more interference in African affairs," also promoted by the Prosperity Party in Ethiopia and the diaspora. One can then better understand the symbolic significance of recovering the memory of Adwa. 
 
History does not exist in an objective reality, it is constantly rewritten and it is plural. The victory of Adwa can certainly be read as a triumph of black people united against an imperialist nation; this is an acceptable telling and the one reflected in the words of President Sahle-Work, the Prosperity Party, ‘Oromhara’ militants, and the ‘No More movement. But this telling coexists with one that is more complex and less ideological. This includes the thousands of foot soldiers who were recruited from subjugated populations in the country, some of whom were forcibly enlisted, who fought and died for the emperor at Adwa.  
 
The ‘Oromhara’ ideology is certainly not accepted by everyone, especially Oromos. Clashes regularly break out between Oromos and Amharas; in fact, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was forced to bring together the leaders of the two communities just last month, on 28 February 2023-- the eve of the most recent commemoration of the Battle of Adwa, to lower tensions and save the celebration from confrontations, which occurred nonetheless.
 
Police intervened, violently, killing at least one person in Menelik Square on March 1. Police dispersed crowds with tear gas, at the same time that a ceremony was being held inside St. George's Church, just north of Menelik Square and the Emperor's statue. Worshipers were gathered around the tabot, a replica of the Ark of the Covenant, which is believed tohave been carried in a procession in 1896. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tawahedo Church (EOTC) denounced the police violence as targeting a religious ceremony. The EOTC, already struggling with the federal government, is in the midst of a crisis that has taken a violent turn, due to a split between Oromos and Amharas. 
 
The ‘Oromhara’ alliance is fragile and notably superficial; but when turned against a minority, it can be powerful and poisonous. It serves to mask a lie and the distortion of history for political purposes. 
 
While a general cessation of hostilities is now in place in much of Tigray, the overall situation across Ethiopia is potentially explosive. Nationalist declarations are of no use in strengthening national sentiment, which requires a sense of belonging. It is time for all of Ethiopia to become more constructive, to work for peace and living together without lies. Ethiopia's leaders, both federal and regional, whether political, religious, or non-governmental, should embrace the common good as their primary objective. When the country is down and out, anyone can drape themselves in a mantle of pride in past glory, but this will not ensure "prosperity for generations to come."