Issue No. 102

Published 16 Oct 2025

Voltaire and Somalia's federal, parliamentary republic

Published on 16 Oct 2025 23:20 min

Voltaire and Somalia's federal, parliamentary republic

The 18th-century French philosopher Voltaire once famously quipped that the "agglomeration which was called and which still calls itself the Holy Roman Empire was neither holy, nor Roman, nor an empire." The satirical critique was such that the empire had become little more than an amorphous collection of states and territories that was bound together by neither a common religion, nor a direct lineage to ancient Rome, nor even by a centralised authority. Historians may continue to debate the extent to which Voltaire exaggerated the fragility and nature of the empire, but there are likely to be fewer disputes about the status of Somalia's putative 'federal parliamentary republic'. The federation is in tatters, its parliamentary system bulldozed by an overweening presidency, and its public so thoroughly disenfranchised that the term 'republic' resembles less an aspiration than a cruel joke.

During his reopening of the federal parliament last month, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) pledged that the legislature would have the "honour and courage to take on the completion of the constitution." Around 18 months have passed since the 'approval' of amendments to Chapters 1-4 of the Provisional Constitution, which represented such an overreach by Villa Somalia that it triggered Puntland's withdrawal of recognition of the federal government's authority. Since then, the constitutional crisis deepened even further, with Jubaland also suspending relations with the federal government, while Al-Shabaab has marauded across central Somalia, positioning itself on the outskirts of Mogadishu. Now, with the supine Independent Constitutional Review and Implementation Commission (ICRIC) having resurfaced, revisions to Chapters 5-9 are anticipated in the coming weeks. 

But to what purpose? There are effectively two constitutions in force at this current moment in Somalia (three, including Somaliland), with an almost equal territorial split. Puntland and Jubaland recognise the unabridged 2012 Provisional Constitution, while Mogadishu and its allies in Galmudug, Hirshabelle, and South West are working under the partially amended 2024 model. 'Allies' should be nuanced, however, with all three leaders, as well as those from North-Eastern State, coerced and cajoled into a largely unenthusiastic coalition with Mogadishu. Indeed, the influence of the federal government beyond the confines of the capital can be best described as 'mediated,' since it must negotiate access via local proxies to operate. Hirshabelle's unilateral closure of its airspace to unauthorised military aircraft is just one recent example of how tenuous this relationship can be.

The 2012 Provisional Constitution ordained consensus-oriented negotiations to determine the allocation of powers and resources between federal and state governments, and to address thorny, outstanding issues such as the status of Banaadir and Somaliland's pursuit of recognition. Instead, under Villa Somalia's thumb, the process has become mangled, with no substantive negotiations with the federal member states, no formal engagement with their legislatures to debate the proposed amendments, nor a referendum for its enactment. As a result, HSM's constitutional text has earned lip service from just three member states, legislative endorsement from none, and has nowhere entered into force pending a referendum.

The very notion of whether Somalia still retains a 'federal' model of government is questionable as well, given the persistent erosion of the country's federal architecture by successive presidents. While Hassan Sheikh has never been a committed federalist, it was under Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo that the concerted subversion of power-sharing began in earnest as he sought to forcibly consolidate power within the presidency and centralise the state. This trend has now reached its zenith under Hassan Sheikh's second term, with the incumbent president even seeking to cleave 'Federal Member States' out of single clan enclaves in Sool and Gedo – in direct contravention of Article 48(2) of the Provisional Constitution.

Somalia's parliamentary system of government is also under threat – if indeed it can even be said to still function. Few seem to remember that under Article 97 of the Provisional Constitution, supreme executive power is vested in the Council of Ministers, with the Prime Minister at its head -- not the president. The president may be the titular Commander-in-Chief, "receive foreign diplomats and consuls," and address the Lower House of Parliament, but beyond that, nearly all his powers (and all Somali presidents to date have been men) are contingent on the "recommendation of the Council of Ministers," including appointing and dismissing senior officials and service chiefs. In the coming weeks, Villa Somalia may well take another step away from parliamentary rule by amending Article 97 to formalise the centralisation of executive power in the presidency.

And whether Somalia remains a republic-- drawn from the Latin term of 'res publica' that translates as 'a public affair' is arguably a matter of perspective. The president's proposed single-vote, closed-list electoral model would, in one fell swoop, sever the link between MP and constituent by allowing anonymous voters in Mogadishu and a handful of other south-central municipalities to elect representatives for the entire nation. In essence, a handful of party bosses would be responsible for the selection of parliamentarians rather than their clans. MPs for Puntland and Jubaland would, in purely statistical terms, be elected by votes from places like Jowhar and Wanle Weyne, rendering the principle of public political participation meaningless.

If Voltaire were still alive today and perhaps somehow interested in Somali politics, he might well conclude that Somalia is neither federal, nor parliamentary, nor a republic. What is left is an "agglomeration" of contested polities, divided by duelling constitutions, and – in the absence of capable, committed political leadership - bound together by little more than name.

The Horn Edition Team 

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 129
Centring North Eastern Kenya - The Rise Of Kenya's Ethnic Somalis
The Horn Edition

A president does not pay a visit to Wajir by accident. When William Samoei Ruto chose Wajir as the centre stage for Kenya’s Madaraka Day celebrations on 1 June — the first sitting president to do so — he was not merely varying the ceremonial calendar. He was making a premeditated statement about who belongs at the centre of Kenya’s state and who no longer belongs at its margins. The message was not merely ‘taking Nairobi to NorthEastern.’ It was the centring and mainstreaming of an ethnic Somali-dominated region that, for much of Kenya’s post-colonial history, has been treated as a security issue rather than a political constituency.


28:45 min read 26 Jun
Issue No. 961
Deciphering Al-Shabaab's Radio Silence
The Somali Wire

Never interrupt your enemy when they are making a mistake. Napoleon Bonaparte’s classic rule of combat seems to be the guiding doctrine behind Al-Shabaab’s sudden, uncharacteristic radio silence as Mogadishu’s political elite tear themselves apart. As the ‘government-in-waiting’, one would have assumed the militants would take full advantage of its adversaries’ internal divisions, maximising the propaganda opportunities this offers, and campaign for their own cause. Typically quick to weaponise any intra-Somali division, the militant group's decision to sit out the latest intra-Somali fracturing is intriguing. By withholding its usual blitz of propaganda, the group is playing a longer, quieter game - waiting for the federal house to implode further before stepping in.


20 min read 17 Jun
Issue No. 960
The Galmudug Vote – The Next Powder Keg
The Somali Wire

While much international attention is on Mogadishu – understandably so - another electoral crisis is brewing in the regional state of Galmudug. Historically unstable, prone to Al-Shabaab violence and destabilisation and wracked by chronic inter-clan frictions and periodic armed hostilities, the looming vote appears likely to aggravate the situation and foment more divisions.


7:13 min read 10 Jun
Issue No. 958
Deni and the Tough Road Back to Mogadishu
The Somali Wire

Puntland President Sa'id Abdullah Deni is unofficially in the race for the federal presidency of Somalia. By most accounts, the regional leader is running again and this explains his re-engagement with Mogadishu after a three-year hiatus. Driven by shifting electoral dynamics, Deni’s decision to re-engage with the centre forces him to confront a radically altered political landscape in Mogadishu. Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM), the federal government has rewritten the rules of Somali politics, altering the institutional framework and consolidating executive authority.


8:08 min read 03 Jun
Issue No. 128
The US Eritrea Pivot – Opportunities, Risks, Dilemma
The Horn Edition

A flurry of media reports in recent months suggest the US and Eritrea could be inching towards a potential deal to reset decades of frosty relations and a partial lifting of American sanctions imposed in 2021. The news of discreet talks between the two sides, mediated by Egypt, was initially reported by the influential Washington Post newspaper in April 2026 and have since been partially confirmed by official sources.


34:56 min read 29 May
Issue No. 956
The Perils of a Grey Transition
The Somali Wire

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has effectively entered a 'grey transition' - a deeply fraught and hotly-contested interregnum that could upend decades of state-building and foment greater instability. By utilising the March 2026 constitutional amendments to extend his presidential mandate until May 2027, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) has effectively plunged the fragile Horn of Africa state into a profound period of severe internal strain and legitimacy crisis. This legalistic manoeuvre has roiled domestic politics and put Western partners of Somalia in a difficult spot. If Somalia's Western allies concede to HSM's fait accompli without extracting concessions from him on a negotiated settlement, they are likely to embolden Hassan Sheikh.


0 min read 20 May
Issue No. 955
Averting Disorder: The Case for External Mediation in Somalia
The Somali Wire

Somalia is entering one of the most dangerous political periods in its recent history. An unprecedented convergence of unresolved constitutional disputes, contested electoral arrangements, rising tensions between federal and regional actors, and the growing politicisation of state security institutions has pushed the country towards a potentially destabilising impasse.


0 min read 14 May
Issue No. 127
Total War in the Horn of Africa
The Horn Edition

'Give Peace a Chance' was the title of a 1969 single written by John Lennon, recorded during his famous honeymoon 'bed-in' with Yoko Ono. Capturing the counterculture sentiments of the time, it was adopted as an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement in the following decade. Thirty years later, a provocative inversion of the title-- 'Give War a Chance'-- was adopted in a well-known Foreign Affairs article by Edward Luttwak in 1999, in which he argued that humanitarian interventions or premature negotiations can freeze conflict, resulting in endless, recurring war. Luttwak contended that war has an internal logic, and if allowed to 'run its course', can bring about a more durable peace.


27:16 min read 30 Apr
Issue No. 953
A Coronation in Mogadishu – How Clans Stormed the Citadel
The Somali Wire

Last weekend, the Murusade, a major sub-clan of the powerful Hawiye clan family, staged one of the largest and most colourful coronations of a clan chief in recent memory in Mogadishu. The caleemasarka (enthronement) of Ugaas Abdirizaq Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Haashi, the new Ugaas or sultan of the Murusade, was attended by thousands of delegates from all parts of Somalia. Conducted next to the imposing and magnificent Ottomanesque Ali Jim'ale Mosque, on the Muslim day of rest, Friday, the occasion blended the Islamic, the regal and the customary; a restatement of an ancient tradition very much alive and vibrant.


21:22 min read 27 Apr
Scroll