Issue No. 299

Published 09 Sep 2025

GERD's Grand Inauguration

Published on 09 Sep 2025 24:18 min
GERD's Grand Inauguration
 
Today, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is finally being inaugurated amid great pomp and fanfare-- and just in time for the Ethiopian New Year. After over a decade in construction and many more in the making, it is a colossal feat of hydroelectric engineering, stretching over a mile wide in the country's western Benishangul-Gumuz region. With African leaders gathered in Ethiopia for the Africa Climate Summit, the symbolism is hard to miss, with PM Abiy Ahmed triumphant in the rapturous celebrations and bonhomie atop the structure. Yet it also comes amid the worst Ethiopia-Egypt relations in years, even while perhaps the most 'dangerous' moment has passed-- the filling of the GERD, with Cairo still furious at Addis's fitful, unilateral approach to negotiations. And with the dam finally complete and supposed to transform Ethiopia's development capacity, the messianic vision of Abiy continues-- with his gaze firmly trained on the Eritrean Port of Assab on the gates of the Red Sea.

Though GERD was launched in April 2011, the inception of the dam on the Blue Nile tributary dates back to the 1960s, with Addis having long argued against the two colonial-era treaties that awarded the lion's share of the river's water usage to downstream Sudan and Egypt. But it was the aspirations of Abiy's Tigrayan predecessor, Meles Zenawi, the titanic figure of Ethiopian politics of the 2000s, that launched the GERD project itself. Since then, state loans have primarily funded the massive dam to the tune of well over USD 4bn. Sporting 13 giant turbines, it is estimated that at full capacity, it will be able to generate 5,100 megawatts of power-- essentially double what Ethiopia currently produces without the dam. Connecting tens of millions more Ethiopians to the grid to access power, with so much of the country insecure, is the next challenge. Even so, it is a mark of the continued strength and scale of the Ethiopian state, amidst the ruins of Tigray, the simmering violence in Oromia, and the raging Fano insurgency. 

But in the meantime, the images of several African leaders, including neighbouring Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his Kenyan counterpart William Ruto, at the GERD itself, elevate Ethiopia on the global stage in the eyes of Abiy. Further, its erstwhile adversary, Egypt, has been outwitted in this years-long tussle over the rights and flow of the Blue Nile that emanates from Ethiopia's highlands, with Addis repeatedly dangling smaller concessions to Cairo before withdrawing them-- all the while continuing to build the vast structure. While Ethiopia initiated the project unilaterally in 2011, it eventually agreed to conduct an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment in 2012 and secured a Declaration of Principles in March 2015, which was intended to provide a framework for the GERD's operation. Yet both were later reneged upon by Ethiopia. In turn, Egypt has repeatedly attempted to rally other Nilotic states and has particularly drawn the Sudanese army close in its international condemnation of GERD, but despite numerous threats, Cairo has been unable to prevent its completion. Even last week, the Egyptian foreign minister called senior representatives from half a dozen Nilotic states to press Cairo's case once again. 

Seemingly emboldened by the imagery of GERD's completion, the bellicose rhetoric from Addis towards the Port of Assab in the Egyptian-allied Eritrea has stepped up another notch again in recent days. Contrasting the apparent neutering of Ethiopia under the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) by forfeiting sea access to the proud delivery of GERD, Abiy recently declared that the Red Sea was in "our hands 30 years ago" and vowed to correct the "mistake... tomorrow." Last week, the prime minister toured the new Aero-Bay aircraft and drone factory, touted as capable of mass-producing drones, apparently learning lessons from Ukraine's grinding attritional trench warfare with Russia. Senior Ethiopian military officials, such as Major General Teshome Gemechu, have also continued to outline various historical, legal, and security claims for port access, including those related to 'Afar unity.' Some arguments may be more legitimate than others, but all were ceded when Eritrea legally split from Ethiopia with Addis's consent. Try as they might, reverse engineering a three-decade-old reality through thinly-veiled causus belli is a non-starter. Yet such interventions suggest that Addis--once again--is veering towards a conflict, but Abiy is nothing if not mercurial, and he may choose not to invade. 

Even so, Ethiopia's state machinery does appear to be lumbering towards another war, beginning the process of gearing up for an invasion post-GERD inauguration. The military-- badly mauled by Tigray and bogged down in Amhara-- has gone through the motions, establishing new drone facilities in Afar in particular from which to launch raids. Such air superiority--possessing a raft of Turkish and Chinese-built drones, sourced by the Emirates among others--makes Addis think it has the edge. In simple geographical terms, Ethiopia would be able to conduct bombing raids across the entirety of Eritrea, while the latter would be far more constrained in its reach. And in recent days, according to Jawar Mohammed, the prominent Oromo opposition politician, the Oromia and Somali regional governments have been placed on a war footing, told to ready themselves for invasion.

But the Eritreans are nevertheless dead-set on making any invasion immensely costly in men and material for Ethiopia, sourcing military aid from its allies in Sudan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia. The constellation of Arab-African alliances from the calamitous Sudan war is likely to be refracted across an Ethiopian-Eritrean war, albeit to a smaller degree. In the case of war-- or pre-emptive diplomacy, whether the route to peace still lies through the Arab capitals of Cairo, Riyadh, and Abu Dhabi, as it does in neighbouring Sudan, is another pertinent question. Although the short passage from the northern Afar region into Assab makes it easier to seize and choke off from Asmara, it may be rendered unusable, especially if Cairo deploys its considerable naval assets to enforce a blockade. And against the backdrop of threatened conflict with Eritrea, a turbine or part of GERD may be considered a legitimate target for a limited strike by Cairo, but destroying the dam in any significant capacity cannot be countenanced. Holding 74 billion cubic metres in its reservoir, any collapse could inundate swathes of the Blue Nile State in Sudan and possibly threaten Egypt's own water security.

In another context, the completion of GERD would perhaps have offered an opportunity for renewed negotiations between Cairo and Addis. The riskiest moment of the dam's staggered filling has passed-- where Egypt may have been denied the water it requires to sustain its population. It is now far more difficult for Ethiopia to weaponise the hydroelectric dam without flooding its own regions, though the dangers of regulating its outflow at moments of more intense drought remain to be seen. Still, whether the US or others intend to play another role in mediating between Egypt and Ethiopia, as well as Addis and Asmara, remains to be seen, but the broader context of pre-emptive diplomacy and peacemaking appears shockingly absent at this current juncture. And if war does break out, it will become yet another conflict on the tumultuous Red Sea and Gulf of Aden-- joining Yemen, Somalia and Sudan, all while Middle Powers aggressively jostle for supremacy and toeholds on the arterial waterway.

For Abiy standing on top of the GERD today, it is hard not to feel it is somehow an apeing of Meles, aspiring to overtake his predecessor's legacy by completing his project and 'restoring' the sea access that the TPLF 'lost' upon Eritrean independence. Ignore the obliteration of Tigray or war with another sovereign state; this is Abiy as Ethiopia's messiah —the Pentecostalist 'god-king' that will lead his country into a golden new age.
 
The Ethiopian Cable Team

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