Issue No. 104

Published 30 Oct 2025

Death stalks El Fasher

Published on 30 Oct 2025 26:50 min

Death stalks El Fasher

Across 18 months, through incessant bombardment and induced starvation, the capital of North Darfur held out against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Assault after assault was repelled by predominantly Zaghawa fighters under the army-allied Joint Forces, aware of the massacres of indigenous Darfurians at El Geneina, Nyala, and across Darfur at the hands of the Sahelian Arab paramilitaries in 2023 and 2003. But, eventually, the pressure proved too great, and the city of El Fasher has now fallen to the Emirati-backed RSF-- with all the litany of atrocities feared seemingly coming to pass. Ineffectual pleas from a disengaged international community for the paramilitaries not to burn, kill, rape, and pillage have inevitably fallen on deaf ears. And while Quad-centred negotiations collapsed in Washington, El Fasher's fall redraws Sudan's map in stark and potentially irreversible terms.

With senior Sudanese army commanders having withdrawn and the military effectively surrendering the 6th Infantry Division headquarters on 26 October, the progeny of the Janjaweed appear to be now laying waste to what remains in the bombed-out city. Sudan's army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who counts Cairo, Riyadh, Tehran and Doha among his allies, announced that the withdrawal was intended to "spare the citizens and the rest of the city from destruction." But pictures, videos, and satellite imagery have already detailed the probable massacres of thousands, with reports detailing block-by-block, house-by-house, indiscriminate killing. And so great has been the gulf of inaction towards the rampaging paramilitaries' crimes that many have not even bothered to cover their faces in self-filmed videos of arbitrary executions. But while the genocidal ambitions of the fundamentally predatory RSF and its allied Arab militias had been readily apparent for months, having razed to the ground dozens of satellite villages and towns surrounding El Fasher, the international community failed to develop a coherent path towards pressuring either belligerent.

Roughly 260,000 people were estimated to have been trapped in El Fasher when it fell, with hundreds of thousands having been displaced in the months before October. Many of these civilians had been displaced by the devastations of Darfur two decades prior, when the Omar al-Bashir regime wielded the Arab paramilitaries as a counter-insurgent force against the indigenous rebel movements. And this week, IOM Sudan reported that more than 26,000 people fled in the two days after the fall of El Fasher. The situation on the roads remains perilous, with RSF fighters filming themselves harassing and gunning down women and children on foot. Nor are they likely to find sufficient humanitarian support at the overcrowded camps at Abu Sheikh or Zamzam, which too have faced attacks from the RSF.

By the siege's final weeks, El Fasher was on its knees – hollowed by months of deliberate starvation, with virtually no food remaining within the city. People were reduced to eating ambaz, the residue from peanut feed fed to animals, and forced to navigate drone and artillery bombardments to find limited calories. As such, many have been too weak to flee El Fasher and are at the mercy of the RSF under a comms blackout. Further, persistent bombardments had rendered much of the city unlivable, forcing civilians and Zaghawa militias to retreat to the western quarters of El Fasher. Hundreds were killed in the indiscriminate attacks, including one missile that killed 75 people on 19 September at the Al Jamia Mosque. But the final three-day assault was reported to have been the most ferocious of the entire 500+ day siege, with the Joint Forces alleging that 2,000 civilians had been killed.

For the assorted coalition of former Darfurian rebels, the withdrawal of the Sudanese army and the loss of El Fasher represent a grim betrayal by their nominal Khartoum allies. Without a consistent air supply from the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and facing increasingly sophisticated Gulf-supplied RSF armaments, the Zaghawa, Masalit, and Fur fighters were forced to fight tooth and nail in warren-like trenches carved into the city. The El Fasher Resistance Committees – a Darfurian civilian-watch group – has publicly condemned unnamed SAF officials of deliberately cutting off supplies and air support "to hand the city over to the RSF." Al-Sadig al-Nur, spokesman for the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minawi faction, damningly revealed that "the Sudanese army massed a force in northern Sudan's al-Dabab two months ago, but it had not been deployed to help El Fasher," even as the city faced its final, decisive assault.

Minni Minnawi, the nominal Darfur governor, has also blasted the military government back in Khartoum, while other alliances between the former indigenous Darfurian rebel groups and SAF appear strained as well. Finance Minister Gibril Ibrahim, the leader of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), has remained silent since the fall of the city. Once again, the Sudanese army virtually abandoned the peripheries of the state, focusing its efforts on its own heartlands in the country's centre. But here too are the army wrestling not only with the divisions between its Riverain elite and Darfurian allies, but the Islamist factions within it as well, who are furious at the recent withdrawal at Bara and at growing attempts to diminish their return. These Islamist paramilitary groups have further been accused of a litany of atrocities in Khartoum and Wad Madani, with civilians throughout the civil war treated as collateral and combatants by all sides.

At the same time, the meeting between the Sudanese army and the Quad —Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and the US —in Washington was taking place. Having finally been dragged on board by Cairo, optimism that SAF would be prepared to seriously negotiate was still low, but the talks, led by US envoy for Africa Massad Boulos, could not have gone much worse. Immediate disagreements with the Emirati contingent over the proposed three-month humanitarian truce laid out in the 12 September communique erupted, with the Sudanese reported to have walked out just a few minutes into the meeting.  

But the Quad talks reflected another grim pattern, one of the RSF undertaking its most brutal military operations while a putative move towards a ceasefire or settlement appears on the table. As negotiators met in Washington, it became apparent that the UAE would not intervene to rein in the RSF, which it denies arming, and characterised the situation in El Fasher as a military offensive. During the two rounds of talks under the US-Saudi auspices in Jeddah in May and October 2023, the paramilitaries also wielded the talks as diplomatic cover to lay waste to El Geneina in West Darfur and Nyala in South Darfur. Tens of thousands are believed to have been massacred in these offensives. And so, rather than laying a roadmap to peace, the Quad meeting provided the background to yet more death.

The prospect for future talks now appears to be dashed for the time being, with the de factopartition of Sudan ensured. The RSF already exercises authority across the five Darfur states, swathes of neighbouring Kordofan and parts of the south-eastern provinces. Capturing El Fasher, however, will allow the paramilitaries to better secure their access to allies in Chad, Libya, and the Central African Republic, and secure the artisanal and industrial gold sites that finance their war machine. Some expect that the paramilitaries will divert their attention back towards Politically, the RSF has pre-emptively moved to institutionalise this territorial hold – a February 2025 charter launching a "Government of Peace and Unity" and the July unveiling of a presidential council and cabinet were explicit attempts to normalise governance on its own terms.

The fall of El Fasher is, above all, a humanitarian catastrophe that will replicate the genocidal horrors of Darfur two decades ago. The UN and other traditional powers have urged a ceasefire, but their ineffectual and spasmodic diplomacy without deploying any leverage has essentially abandoned the people of Sudan, facing the world's largest hunger and displacement crisis. Now, the city's remaining residents – half of whom the UN reported are children – are under complete RSF control, with the consequences all too known.

To continue reading, create a free account or log in.

Gain unlimited access to all our Editorials. Unlock Full Access to Our Expert Editorials — Trusted Insights, Unlimited Reading.

Create your Sahan account Login

Unlock lifetime access to all our Premium editorial content

You may also be interested in

Issue No. 126
Russia in the Horn: Opportunism in an Age of Disorder
The Horn Edition

In the past months, a number of unsettling images and videos have emerged from the Russian frontlines in the Ukraine war. Within the horrors of the grinding "kill zone," where kamikaze drones strafe the sky for any signs of movement, yet another concerning dimension has emerged—the use of African recruits by Moscow in the conflict, often under false pretences. Particularly drawn from Kenya, many reportedly believed they were signing contracts to work as drivers or security guards, only to be shipped to the front lines upon arrival. Such activities are illustrative of several issues, including Russia's relationship with countries in the Horn of Africa, one shaped more by opportunistic realpolitik than genuine partnership.


28:23 min read 23 Apr
Issue No. 125
After Three Years of War, What Is Left of Sudan?
The Horn Edition

Yesterday, 15 April, marked three years of brutal, grinding warfare between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Wholly neglected by a fading international community, many grim landmarks have been passed; another genocide in Darfur, the weaponisation of rape and starvation, another famine, or the desecration of Khartoum, El Fasher, and other major cities. And with no ceasefire or settlement in sight, the war has continued to swell, drawing in each neighbouring African country as tussling Middle Eastern powers grapple for the upper hand-- leaving Sudan in tatters.


28:01 min read 16 Apr
Issue No. 124
A Trade That Won't Die
The Horn Edition

In September 2025, Feisal Mohammed Ali was arrested for possession and trading in two rhino horns worth USD 63,000. This was not the first time that this smuggler had seen the bars of a Kenyan prison cell. On 22 July 2016, Feisal - described as an “ivory smuggling kingpin” - received a 20-year prison sentence and fined USD 150,000 for dealing 314 pieces of ivory. Weighing over two tonnes, the ivory was estimated to have come from around 120 elephants. Hailed as a turning point in Kenya’s pioneering crackdown on Illegal Wildlife Trade (IWT), Feisal’s incarceration became proof of the country’s commitment to safeguarding its wildlife. This frail pillar came crashing down in August 2018 when Feisal was released following the acquittal of his sentence due to alleged use of tampered evidence by the prosecution.


30:03 min read 09 Apr
Issue No. 123
Another Election and Djibouti's Succession Problem
The Horn Edition

Apathy pervades the Djiboutian population. A week tomorrow, on April 10, the country will head to the polls, with President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh seeking a 6th— essentially uncontested — term in office. With his coronation inevitable, his family's dynastic rule over this rentier city-state will be extended once more. But in a region wracked by armed conflict and geopolitical contestation, the ageing Guelleh's capacity to manage the familial, ethnic, and regional fractures within and without grows ever more complicated. And Djibouti's apparent stability is no product of institutional strength, but rather an increasingly fractious balance of external rents and coercive control-- underpinned by geopolitical relevance.


23:43 min read 02 Apr
Issue No. 122
A brief history of Sudan's child soldiers
The Horn Edition

In early 1987, the commander of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), John Garang, is reported to have issued a radio order, instructing his field officers to gather children to be dispatched to Ethiopia for military training. Garang's command conveyed the rebels' institutionalisation of a well-established practice of child soldiering; a dynamic that has been reproduced by virtually every major armed actor in Sudan-- and later South Sudan-- since independence. Today, as war has continued to ravage and metastasise across Sudan, few communities and children have been left untouched by the ruinous violence.


30:05 min read 26 Mar
Issue No. 121
The Pandora's Box of Peace
The Horn Edition

The history of the contemporary Horn of Africa is littered with abandoned and abrogated peace agreements-- as well as a handful of successes. A petri dish (or Pandora's box) of issues related to sovereignty, inter- and intra-state conflict, and the nature of the state itself, the region has also been a laboratory for numerous forms of peacemaking and dealmaking. Yet in such a fractured regional order, 'peace' and 'conflict' should not be considered binaries, but rather as part of a sliding scale, where civilians may be targeted during the active fighting in South Sudan or suffer as part of a 'negative peace' in Tigray. Today, with predatory peace in South Sudan, Sudan, and perhaps now Tigray, having given way to renewed violence on a broad scale, what is the nature and future of peacemaking in the Horn of Africa?


28:13 min read 19 Mar
Issue No. 120
Sudan's Islamists Return to the Sanctions List
The Horn Edition

Once on the US-designated terrorist sanctions list, it is unsurprisingly rather difficult to come off it. And with the US designating the 'Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood' as terrorists, elements of Khartoum's military government may now have the dubious honour of being on it twice. First time out in 1993, Khartoum was deemed a US State Sponsor of Terror in the wake of a raft of jihadist plots linked to the Islamist authorities in Sudan. Nearly three decades later, and only after Sudan's partial ascension to the Abraham Accords, the title and punishing sanctions were lifted for the civilian-military transitional government. Today, though the warring Sudan is no longer home to an Osama bin Laden or Carlos the Jackal, a US labelling of 'terrorist' has returned to Khartoum.


25:44 min read 12 Mar
Issue No. 119
Abiy's Drone Diplomacy in Baku
The Horn Edition

At the end of February, Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed departed on a rather unusual visit to Baku, Azerbaijan. Slated as a meeting between two emerging powers, a focus on trade and investment frameworks was particularly emphasised by Foreign Minister Gedion Timotheos. More importantly, of course, was the signing of a comprehensive defence agreement by the two countries on 27 February. Spanning drone technology, armoured vehicles, artillery shell production, and air defence, the new agreement builds upon a framework from November 2025, which also included reference to refurbishing T-72 tanks, electronic warfare, and military-industrial manufacturing. Though war has not yet returned to Tigray as many feared, Abiy's vision of a militarised domestic —and regional —posture no doubt requires more hardware.


24:16 min read 05 Mar
Issue No. 118
The African Union's Slide into Irrelevance
The Horn Edition

Earlier this month, dozens of heads of state and government gathered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, for the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union (AU). The theme of this summit prioritised water security and sanitation, discussing various ways to address these issues amid the unrelenting climate crisis. A worthy subject, no doubt, but the geopolitical backdrop of the summit remains unremittingly grim. Taking place in Addis —amid war looking ever more likely in Tigray —the gathering of leaders again served to uncomfortably emphasise the decline of the AU.


28:41 min read 26 Feb
Scroll