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  • The Somali Wire 440
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Somalia (43) Al Shabaab (37) Villa Somalia (34) Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (26) Farmaajo (24) Somalia politics (18) Puntland (17) Somalia elections (17) Mogadishu (16) Ethiopia (16) Somalia political crisis (16) Somaliland (13) Jubaland (10) Mohamed Hussein Roble (8) Somalia crisis (8) Somali politics (8) NISA (8) Fahad Yasin (8) AUSSOM (7) Somalia elections 2021 (7) Abiy Ahmed (7) Somali opposition (7) Somali elections (7) Somalia security (7) Tigray (7) Eritrea (7) Kenya (7) Sudan (6) SSC-Khaatumo (6) African Union (6) Somalia drought crisis (6) TPLF (6) Amhara (6) Horn of Africa (6) Addis (6) USAID (5) Nairobi (5) OLA (5) HSM (5) Horn of Africa geopolitics (5) Somali culture (5) Somalia elections 2022 (5) South Sudan (5) Politics (5) Humanitarian (4) Kenya Somalia relations (4) Conflict (4) US (4) Healthcare (4) China (4) Somali National Army (4) Somalia humanitarian crisis (4) PM Roble (4) Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (4) Federalism (4) Oromo Liberation Army (4) History (4) Poetry (4) Disarmament (3) Fano (3) Federal Government (3) Women (3) Security (3) OPOV (3) GERD (3) Elections (3) Fighting (3) RSF (3) Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo (3) Qatar (3) Gulf (3) Mogadishu bombing 2022 (3) Al-Shabaab attacks (3) Somali security forces (3) National Salvation Forum (3) Troop Contributing Countries (3) Villa Somalia crisis (3) Mogadishu unrest (3) Somalia electoral crisis (3) Laas Aanood (3) Turkey Somalia relations (3) Mohammed Roble (3) Diaspora (3) Madoobe (3) Oromo Liberation Front (3) OLF (3) Oromo (3) Awdheegle (3) UPDF (3) SNA (3) Operation Silent Storm (3) Horn of Africa drought (3) Economy (3) NCC (3) Ethiopia Somalia relations (3) UN (3) Somalia security crisis (3) ISS (3) Hawiye (3) Somali women in politics (3) UAE (3) Oromia (3) Horn of Africa politics (3)
  • Published November 22, 2021

    Somalia’s long-overdue parliamentary elections, initially planned for 2020 as a one-person, one-vote process, have devolved into a drawn-out and opaque indirect voting system. The Federal Implementation Electoral Team (FEIT), tasked with overseeing the process, has struggled to deliver even this reduced model, leading to piecemeal seat-by-seat voting vulnerable to manipulation. Political interference from Villa Somalia, disputes over elector selection, and rivalries between Federal Member States (FMS) have further complicated proceedings. FMS leaders, including those from Puntland and Jubaland, are leveraging the process to secure loyal MPs, while Villa Somalia benefits from financial backing and influence over key voting blocs such as the Somaliland caucus and Banaadiri seats. The opposition Council of Presidential Candidates (CPC) remains excluded from negotiations and has threatened force if the process undermines their interests, raising fears of renewed unrest in Mogadishu. Efforts to reset the electoral timetable through the National Consultative Council (NCC) face resistance from both domestic actors and international donors. The United Nations and key partners, by insisting on upholding the flawed May 27 agreement, risk entrenching a process that lacks transparency, credibility, and inclusivity. Without urgent reforms, Somalia’s elections could deepen political instability rather than resolve it.

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