Somalia is facing one of its most serious political crises in recent years, triggered by President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s suspension of Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble. The suspension, announced in December 2021, has deepened tensions between the executive branches, sparking fears of renewed instability in a country already battling insecurity, economic challenges, and humanitarian crises. Farmaajo accuses Roble of corruption and misuse of public land, while Roble calls the suspension an unconstitutional move aimed at derailing the long-delayed elections. The political standoff has polarized Somali society, with both leaders rallying military and political support. This power struggle comes at a critical moment when Somalia is struggling to complete its parliamentary elections, fight Al-Shabaab insurgency, and maintain fragile unity among its federal states. Analysts warn that the dispute could derail electoral timelines, weaken governance, and heighten the risk of violence. The African Union, United Nations, and international partners have urged both sides to resolve their differences peacefully and prioritize national stability. As the crisis unfolds, Somalia stands at a crossroads between fragile progress and a dangerous slide back into political chaos, with the fate of its democratic process hanging in the balance.
The presidency of Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo in Somalia exemplifies the dangers of concentrated power and the gradual erosion of democratic institutions. Drawing on historical insights from leaders like Abraham Lincoln and Lord Acton, this analysis reveals how power can corrupt even democratically elected leaders, turning them into autocrats. Farmaajo’s tenure has been marked by attempts to cling to power beyond his term, manipulating electoral rules and undermining Somalia’s fragile democratic processes. Despite initial hopes for reform, Farmaajo’s government has struggled to contain the growing threat of Al-Shabaab, while security institutions like NISA have been politicized to serve his political ambitions. His alliance with National Security Advisor Fahad Yasin Dahir has deepened concerns about foreign influence and the subversion of national security objectives. Economically, Somalia faces worsening poverty and stagnating growth under Farmaajo, while corruption remains rampant. This analysis underscores the broader trend in parts of Africa where democrats gradually become autocrats, weakening governance and stability. Farmaajo’s presidency is a cautionary tale of how the seductions of power can derail democratic progress and plunge a nation into instability and uncertainty.
Somalia’s 2021 presidential election is scheduled for 10 October, amid concerns over rigging and political manipulation. Incumbent Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo overstayed his mandate, sparking opposition protests that nearly derailed the transition. Negotiations led by PM Roble established an indirect electoral model, but the process remains tightly controlled by Villa Somalia and NISA Director-General Fahad Yasin. Fahad wields significant influence, leveraging Qatari financial support and Al-I’tisaam networks to shape both the legislature and presidential outcome. He must decide whether to support Farmaajo, a loyal but damaged incumbent, a pliable alternative, or an independent candidate with whom he could strike a “grand bargain.” To maximize control, Fahad is orchestrating electoral manipulation, including replacing independent clan elders and influencing MPs across Somalia’s Federal Member States.
Somalia’s 27 May electoral agreement between acting Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble and federal member state leaders was hailed as a breakthrough in preventing political chaos. The deal was welcomed as a step toward stability, but opposition leaders warned of lingering risks, especially from former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo. Just weeks earlier, Farmaajo had attempted to extend his term by two years, backing down only after strong public and armed opposition. While Roble pledged fair elections and was tasked with overseeing security, opposition demands to remove Farmaajo loyalists from electoral committees and key security positions were only partially met. Politicized forces like the Turkish-trained Gorgor commandos, Haram’ad paramilitary police, and NISA intelligence remain active in key election areas.