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  • The Somali Wire 450
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Somalia (43) Al Shabaab (37) Villa Somalia (35) Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (26) Farmaajo (24) Somalia politics (18) Puntland (17) Somalia elections (17) Mogadishu (16) Ethiopia (16) Somalia political crisis (16) Somaliland (13) Jubaland (10) Somalia elections 2021 (8) Mohamed Hussein Roble (8) Somalia crisis (8) Somali politics (8) NISA (8) Fahad Yasin (8) AUSSOM (7) Abiy Ahmed (7) Somali opposition (7) Somali elections (7) Somalia security (7) Tigray (7) Eritrea (7) Kenya (7) Sudan (6) SSC-Khaatumo (6) African Union (6) Somalia drought crisis (6) TPLF (6) Amhara (6) Horn of Africa (6) Addis (6) USAID (5) Nairobi (5) OLA (5) HSM (5) Somali National Army (5) Horn of Africa geopolitics (5) Somali culture (5) Somalia elections 2022 (5) South Sudan (5) Politics (5) Humanitarian (4) Kenya Somalia relations (4) Conflict (4) US (4) Healthcare (4) Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo (4) China (4) Somalia humanitarian crisis (4) Somali security forces (4) PM Roble (4) Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (4) Federalism (4) Oromo Liberation Army (4) Somali women in politics (4) History (4) Poetry (4) Disarmament (3) Fano (3) Federal Government (3) Women (3) Security (3) OPOV (3) GERD (3) Elections (3) Fighting (3) RSF (3) Qatar (3) Gulf (3) Mogadishu bombing 2022 (3) Al-Shabaab attacks (3) National Salvation Forum (3) Troop Contributing Countries (3) Villa Somalia crisis (3) Mogadishu unrest (3) Somalia electoral crisis (3) Laas Aanood (3) Turkey Somalia relations (3) Mohammed Roble (3) Diaspora (3) Madoobe (3) Oromo Liberation Front (3) OLF (3) Oromo (3) Awdheegle (3) UPDF (3) SNA (3) Operation Silent Storm (3) Horn of Africa drought (3) Economy (3) NCC (3) Ethiopia Somalia relations (3) UN (3) Somalia security crisis (3) ISS (3) Hawiye (3) UAE (3) Oromia (3) Horn of Africa politics (3)
  • Published November 2, 2022

    The October bombings in Mogadishu underscore a persistent reality: Somalia’s capital remains under constant siege. While it is unclear whether the attacks were planned from rural Al‑Shabaab strongholds or orchestrated within the city, they reflect a centuries‑old pattern of urban vulnerability to rural discontent. Historically, Somalia’s port towns including Mogadishu were fortified to keep out nomadic incursions. From the seventeenth‑century Abgaal entry into Mogadishu, to early 20th‑century Dervish raids, to the looting by moryaan militias in the early civil war, urban centres have repeatedly been targeted during times of political and economic instability. This tension is more than cultural stereotype. It’s rooted in stark economic disparities between ‘cosmopolitan’ town dwellers and struggling rural communities. Urban elites benefit disproportionately from foreign aid, diaspora investment, and control of governance hubs, while rural populations face economic insecurity, displacement, and periodic natural disasters. Al‑Shabaab exploits these grievances, leveraging rural‑urban inequality in its recruitment and propaganda. Meanwhile, Somalia’s booming private security sector represents a modern version of ‘town walls,’ protecting elite assets but deepening social divides. Unless these disparities are addressed, the urban‑rural fault line will continue to be a source of instability, sustaining Al‑Shabaab’s relevance.

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