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  • The Somali Wire 450
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Somalia (43) Al Shabaab (37) Villa Somalia (35) Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (26) Farmaajo (24) Somalia politics (18) Puntland (17) Somalia elections (17) Mogadishu (16) Ethiopia (16) Somalia political crisis (16) Somaliland (13) Jubaland (10) Somalia elections 2021 (8) Mohamed Hussein Roble (8) Somalia crisis (8) Somali politics (8) NISA (8) Fahad Yasin (8) AUSSOM (7) Abiy Ahmed (7) Somali opposition (7) Somali elections (7) Somalia security (7) Tigray (7) Eritrea (7) Kenya (7) Sudan (6) SSC-Khaatumo (6) African Union (6) Somalia drought crisis (6) TPLF (6) Amhara (6) Horn of Africa (6) Addis (6) USAID (5) Nairobi (5) OLA (5) HSM (5) Somali National Army (5) Horn of Africa geopolitics (5) Somali culture (5) Somalia elections 2022 (5) South Sudan (5) Politics (5) Humanitarian (4) Kenya Somalia relations (4) Conflict (4) US (4) Healthcare (4) Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo (4) China (4) Somalia humanitarian crisis (4) Somali security forces (4) PM Roble (4) Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (4) Federalism (4) Oromo Liberation Army (4) Somali women in politics (4) History (4) Poetry (4) Disarmament (3) Fano (3) Federal Government (3) Women (3) Security (3) OPOV (3) GERD (3) Elections (3) Fighting (3) RSF (3) Qatar (3) Gulf (3) Mogadishu bombing 2022 (3) Al-Shabaab attacks (3) National Salvation Forum (3) Troop Contributing Countries (3) Villa Somalia crisis (3) Mogadishu unrest (3) Somalia electoral crisis (3) Laas Aanood (3) Turkey Somalia relations (3) Mohammed Roble (3) Diaspora (3) Madoobe (3) Oromo Liberation Front (3) OLF (3) Oromo (3) Awdheegle (3) UPDF (3) SNA (3) Operation Silent Storm (3) Horn of Africa drought (3) Economy (3) NCC (3) Ethiopia Somalia relations (3) UN (3) Somalia security crisis (3) ISS (3) Hawiye (3) UAE (3) Oromia (3) Horn of Africa politics (3)
  • Published November 22, 2021

    Somalia’s long-overdue parliamentary elections, initially planned for 2020 as a one-person, one-vote process, have devolved into a drawn-out and opaque indirect voting system. The Federal Implementation Electoral Team (FEIT), tasked with overseeing the process, has struggled to deliver even this reduced model, leading to piecemeal seat-by-seat voting vulnerable to manipulation. Political interference from Villa Somalia, disputes over elector selection, and rivalries between Federal Member States (FMS) have further complicated proceedings. FMS leaders, including those from Puntland and Jubaland, are leveraging the process to secure loyal MPs, while Villa Somalia benefits from financial backing and influence over key voting blocs such as the Somaliland caucus and Banaadiri seats. The opposition Council of Presidential Candidates (CPC) remains excluded from negotiations and has threatened force if the process undermines their interests, raising fears of renewed unrest in Mogadishu. Efforts to reset the electoral timetable through the National Consultative Council (NCC) face resistance from both domestic actors and international donors. The United Nations and key partners, by insisting on upholding the flawed May 27 agreement, risk entrenching a process that lacks transparency, credibility, and inclusivity. Without urgent reforms, Somalia’s elections could deepen political instability rather than resolve it.

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