Issues Archive

Issues filters
Search
  • The Somali Wire 386
  • The Ethiopian Cable 31
  • The Horn Edition 31
Archive
Filter by tags
Somalia (43) Al Shabaab (35) Villa Somalia (26) Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (25) Puntland (17) Mogadishu (16) Ethiopia (16) Somalia politics (15) Somaliland (13) Somalia elections (13) Somalia political crisis (12) Farmaajo (11) Jubaland (10) AUSSOM (7) Mohamed Hussein Roble (7) Abiy Ahmed (7) Tigray (7) Eritrea (7) Kenya (7) NISA (7) Fahad Yasin (7) Sudan (6) SSC-Khaatumo (6) Somalia drought crisis (6) Somalia security (6) TPLF (6) Amhara (6) Horn of Africa (6) Addis (6) USAID (5) Nairobi (5) OLA (5) HSM (5) African Union (5) Somali elections (5) Horn of Africa geopolitics (5) Somali culture (5) Somalia elections 2022 (5) South Sudan (5) Politics (5) Somali politics (5) Humanitarian (4) Conflict (4) US (4) Healthcare (4) Somali National Army (4) Somalia humanitarian crisis (4) Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (4) Federalism (4) Oromo Liberation Army (4) History (4) Poetry (4) Disarmament (3) Fano (3) Somalia elections 2021 (3) Federal Government (3) Women (3) Security (3) OPOV (3) Kenya Somalia relations (3) GERD (3) Elections (3) Fighting (3) RSF (3) Qatar (3) China (3) Gulf (3) Mogadishu bombing 2022 (3) Troop Contributing Countries (3) Villa Somalia crisis (3) Somalia electoral crisis (3) PM Roble (3) Laas Aanood (3) Turkey Somalia relations (3) Diaspora (3) Madoobe (3) Oromo Liberation Front (3) OLF (3) Oromo (3) Awdheegle (3) UPDF (3) SNA (3) Operation Silent Storm (3) Horn of Africa drought (3) Economy (3) NCC (3) Ethiopia Somalia relations (3) UN (3) ISS (3) Hawiye (3) UAE (3) Oromia (3)
Search
  • The Somali Wire 386
  • The Ethiopian Cable 31
  • The Horn Edition 31
Archive
Filter by tags
Somalia (43) Al Shabaab (35) Villa Somalia (26) Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (25) Puntland (17) Mogadishu (16) Ethiopia (16) Somalia politics (15) Somaliland (13) Somalia elections (13) Somalia political crisis (12) Farmaajo (11) Jubaland (10) AUSSOM (7) Mohamed Hussein Roble (7) Abiy Ahmed (7) Tigray (7) Eritrea (7) Kenya (7) NISA (7) Fahad Yasin (7) Sudan (6) SSC-Khaatumo (6) Somalia drought crisis (6) Somalia security (6) TPLF (6) Amhara (6) Horn of Africa (6) Addis (6) USAID (5) Nairobi (5) OLA (5) HSM (5) African Union (5) Somali elections (5) Horn of Africa geopolitics (5) Somali culture (5) Somalia elections 2022 (5) South Sudan (5) Politics (5) Somali politics (5) Humanitarian (4) Conflict (4) US (4) Healthcare (4) Somali National Army (4) Somalia humanitarian crisis (4) Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (4) Federalism (4) Oromo Liberation Army (4) History (4) Poetry (4) Disarmament (3) Fano (3) Somalia elections 2021 (3) Federal Government (3) Women (3) Security (3) OPOV (3) Kenya Somalia relations (3) GERD (3) Elections (3) Fighting (3) RSF (3) Qatar (3) China (3) Gulf (3) Mogadishu bombing 2022 (3) Troop Contributing Countries (3) Villa Somalia crisis (3) Somalia electoral crisis (3) PM Roble (3) Laas Aanood (3) Turkey Somalia relations (3) Diaspora (3) Madoobe (3) Oromo Liberation Front (3) OLF (3) Oromo (3) Awdheegle (3) UPDF (3) SNA (3) Operation Silent Storm (3) Horn of Africa drought (3) Economy (3) NCC (3) Ethiopia Somalia relations (3) UN (3) ISS (3) Hawiye (3) UAE (3) Oromia (3)
  • Published March 16, 2022

    Somalia is poised to miss the 30% women’s representation quota in its 2022 parliamentary elections, with only 49 female MPs elected out of 236 so far just 18%. Hitting the quota would require electing 34 more women out of the remaining 39 seats, an impossible target. This marks a setback for women’s rights and inclusivity in Somali politics, despite earlier commitments. Prime Minister Roble attempted to advocate for more female participation, but the absence of legal backing and reliance on clan discretion undermined the efforts. Notably, regions with strong support for Farmaajo Galmudug, South West State, and Somaliland showed high female MP counts. However, critics argue this was a strategic ploy: many of the women elected are inexperienced and closely tied to the outgoing administration, raising concerns that their roles are symbolic and politically manipulated. Further complicating progress is Somalia’s conservative culture, where traditional and religious beliefs often discourage female leadership. Some women candidates were even used to block opposition figures under the guise of gender equity.

  • Published March 15, 2021

    The Somalia-Kenya maritime dispute took center stage at The Hague, where a formal hearing was slated to determine control over offshore territory. Somalia sent its deputy prime minister and officials, signaling a serious commitment to defending national interests, while Kenya unexpectedly withdrew at the last minute, delaying proceedings for the fourth time. The dispute has been framed by Somalia’s political elite as a matter of national pride, providing President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo a strategic distraction from domestic political crises. The Somali government’s maximalist stance showcases the country’s determination, though the International Court of Justice’s verdict is non-binding and may not compel Kenya to comply. Farmaajo’s supporters see the proceedings as a golden opportunity to bolster the president’s popularity and consolidate political power at a time when his approval ratings are waning. Analysts note that Kenya has strengthened its navy and coast guard to protect offshore oil facilities, reflecting the high stakes involved. While the court process continues, the situation underscores the complex interplay between regional diplomacy, national pride, and domestic political maneuvering in Somalia. Encouraging Somalia and Kenya to seek amicable settlement remains crucial to avoid potential conflict over these finite maritime resources.

Scroll